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Talleyrand's nomination, and the first part of the | party, his religion, and, in short, from everything contents of which, but not the letter itself, Bobus but himself-one whose corruption, profligacy, and has since communicated to me. Talleyrand, you may not know, perhaps, has been always a great friend of Bobus', and of mine, since I went to Mr. Pitt some years ago, at Smith's desire, to endeavor to obtain a remission of his sentence of exile."vol. iii., p. 439.


Though we have not the details of Talleyrand's letter, it appears from a further dispatch of Mr. Canning's that it was something incredible :"I was not quizzing you, but telling a most sober truth, when I gave you the copy of Talleyrand's letter to Smith. As a proof of its authenticity, I enclose to you the copy of another, which has been since received, but of which no communication has been made to me. It is written, as you see, in English, and (which you cannot see, but must believe as I do) in T.'s hand. You will see the remarkable coincidence of this letter with everything that you have been told.”—vol. iii., p. 453.

Mr. Canning, however, states in a subsequent letter more positively :

"29th Aug.-I have heard nothing more from Talleyrand by the former channel. Letters of his continually pass through our hands, which prove him to be stock-jobbing here to an enormous amount."-vol. ii., p. 520.

On the mention of M. de Talleyrand's name, the editor says :—

"The universal reputation of Talleyrand renders any notice of him unnecessary in a work of this kind. It is sufficient to remember that, during a life of eighty-five years, he served the old French Monarchy, the Directory, Consulate, Empire, Restoration, and Orleans Dynasty. He must be regarded as the most able political pilot on record." -vol. iii., p. 418.

treachery disgraced high birth, exalted station, and great talents-who was a prominent figure in an age of wonders, without attaching his name to anything great, glorious, or good-and whose fame is already reduced to our recollections of "X, Y, and the Lady," and of some dozen bons-mols-the cold, keen product of a subtile intellect, an insouciant temper, and a callous and misanthropical heart.

In the midst of these affairs the Portuguese minister in Paris signed, contrary to his express instructions, a treaty of peace with the republicquite inconsistent with the engagements of Portugal with England; but it had not, as M. Thiers says, the effect of giving Maret any advantages over Lord Malmesbury, or indeed in any way affecting the Lisle negotiations; and nothing can be more untrue than his assertion, that at this period all matters had been brought to a clear understanding and arrangement. "England," says Thiers, "would not give up Trinidad; but the Dutch were to keep the Cape under an express condition that France should never obtain it. Ceylon was to be ceded to England, but under the guise of an alternative possession-a Dutch garrison alternating with an English one; with an understanding that the alternation was only to be a fiction. The 12,000,000 of francs for the Toulon ships was accepted by France, and it was agreed the title of King of France, without being formally abdicated, should be disused." On these points, says M. Thiers, Maret and Malmesbury had agreed, when the 18th Fructidor came to overset all. Now we know, from Lord Malmesbury's notes and confidential letters, that not one of all these points was settled-nay, that he could not get the French negotiators to approach any of the We must here take the liberty of dissenting very minor subjects en attendant the discussion of the strongly from the noble editor, both in fact and in Dutch questions:-perhaps Maret may have had opinion. M. de Talleyrand never served the old instructions to agree to these terms, but if he had French Monarchy at all, but helped powerfully to he certainly never produced them, and the whole destroy it; he served, indeed, the Directory, and of M. Thiers' statement is, therefore, erroneous, in due course betrayed, and helped to overthrow and introduced for no other reason that we can it; he served the Consulate, at the epoch and in see but to glorify Maret. It is perfectly clear the department in which the indelible horror of the that the French mission had no other orders or d'Enghien murder was perpetrated-and he ser-purpose than to waste time. The Directory, in vilely followed Bonaparte through all the other the personal and mortal struggle in which they steps of despotism by which his country was enslaved; he served the Empire as he had served the Directory—that is, he got all he could out of it, and then joined to betray and overturn it ;-he served the Restoration, which he was grown too rich, old, and indolent to betray, but which, in spite of his share in the pilotage, was dashed to pieces-and he served the Orleans Dynasty only in the easy routine and luxury of the London embassy. As to his pilotage, we must admit that he followed the very ancient and prudent authority of that patriarch of pilots, Palinurus

superat quoniam Fortuna, sequamur; Quoque vocat vertamus iter!

And certainly no pilot was ever more dexterous at managing to save himself by his own little craft, when all the great vessels in which he successively served were utterly wrecked. The noble editor seems too apt to fall into these thoughtless engouemens. We, on the contrary, see in M. de Talleyrand an apostate from his family, his order, his

pondence, and how Bobus (then we believe a young barrister) came to be engaged in these delicate affairs.

were now engaged with the councils, paid evidently little attention to the details of the negotiation, and were only endeavoring to tide over all such inferior matters, til, at last, on the 18th Fructidor, the explosion took place which confirmed the power of Barras and the ultra-republicans, and scattered all the Modérés, except Talleyrand, into exile. The French mission at Lisle was immediately recalled, and replaced by Treilhard and Bonnier, who were ordered to insist on having Lord Malmesbury's pleins pouvoirs to concede any and all our conquests, produced to them; and on his refusal to comply with so strange a demand, he was insolently dismissed, with the insulting addition that, as he had no instructions, he had better himself go and look for them.


"Il [Lord M.] aura à déclarer ses pleins pouvoirs suffisants, [that is to say, sufficient for the unconditional restitution of all the king's conquests,] et à les exhiber d'abord; et en cas qu'il ne les a pas, d'aller en Angleterre dans les vingt-quatre heures les chercher lui-même."-vol. iii., p. 581.

Thus, if his embassy did not begin with "a practical epigram," it ended with one; and it was surely too strong a proof of Mr. Pitt's obstinate

desire for peace that, even after this affront, both he and Lord Malmesbury still thought that the negotiation should be continued, and Lord Malmesbury on his arrival in London found there two emissaries-one from Talleyrand, and the other from Barras-both offering "any terms we choose for money." Barras' present terms are not given, but we have seen that they were lately stated at 500,000Z. Talleyrand's, as produced by one O'Drusse, who is—we know not whether jocularly -designated as the Grand Vicaire of the Bishop of Autun, were more moderate-only 200,000l., for consenting to leave us one of the Dutch settlements-probably Ceylon (iii., 580.) It is with pain and shame that we copy the following



"Mr. Pitt has always been held up to the present generation as fond of war: but the Harris Papers could furnish the most continued and certain evidence of the contrary, and that he often suffered all the agony of a pious man who is forced to fight a duel. The cold and haughty temper of Lord Grenville was less sensitive; our overtures were to him synonymous with degradation, and he could not now brook the delays of the Directory.

"Lord Malmesbury entirely agreed with Pitt, and at this time saw a fair chance of obtaining an honorable peace."-vol. iii., p. 516.

It is the mischief of these unilateral, truncated revelations, that they lead to conclusions often the very reverse of that which, if we had both sides of the continuous story, we should probably arrive at. For instance, would it not seem from the passages

Mr. Huskisson was a knave and Mr. Pitt a dupe? There is nearly the same evidence for both, and we as little believe the former as the latter, and yet we do not see what answer can be now made to Lord Malmesbury's broken hints than a general appeal to the characters of those two statesmen.

With this mission ended Lord Malmesbury's diplomatic life-which exhibits the extraordinary paradox of a long series of failures-unbroken by any one happy result-which, nevertheless, procured for the always defeated yet always fortunate agent the highest reputation and the most splendid rewards. We offered in our former article some considerations which might account for so extraordinary a phenomenon; the details of the missions comprised in the third volume confirm those opinions. Great diplomatic results seldom depend on the abilities of the agents, but on the interests and power of the principals. Lord Malmesbury failed through no fault of his in the negotiations with Prussia and France we do not believe any man could have done better-in the strange circumstances into which he was thrown at Brunswick we cannot name any man who we think could have done so well.

Friday, Sept. 22, 1797.-At his request, at half past eleven with Pitt; the Note altered as weù bûtons rompus-which we have quoted, that wished. He said I was quite right as to judging it was right to continue the negotiation; his informant [Barras' emissary] said it was necessary to the plan of the Directory; he [Pitt] had informed him of our intentions; he [the informant] was actually gone to Paris to prepare the way for proper instructions being sent to Lisle. I said I trusted he [Pitt] had been very explicit both as to the terms and the price; that no cure no pay should be stipulated-not a penny to be given till after the ratifications, and every article valued and paid for ad valorem; that I should never return to Lisle for any other purpose but to sign a treaty; and that before I left England we should see an arrêté of the Directory, fixing the terms and instructions given by them to Treilhard and Bonnier in consequence. This Pitt said was actually done, and agreed with me that nothing short of it was worth attending to. Pitt sanguine, more sanguine than I am. I see doubts and dangers in all this secret intelligence. I admit the desire of getting the money, but I question the power of delivering the thing purchased. Barras confessedly the only one in the secret: he and his expect to persuade Rewbell, and to prevail on him to take his share of the bribe. Thence my apprehensions ; and it clearly appears that the two informants act separately. It is to be remarked that Huskisson is in the whole secret; but it is enjoined that he is not to say so to Pitt, or Pitt to him. I dislike Huskisson, both as to his principles and the turn of his understanding; he wants to make money by this peace, and dares not apply to me to act with him; the whole secret was known in the city the day it was told Pitt, and acted on by the stockjobbers; stock-jobbing is at the bottom of the whole, I fear."-vol. iii., pp. 582-4.

We hope and believe that this imputation against Mr. Huskisson was merely Lord Malmesbury's hasty impression against a man whom he confesses that he did not like, and of whose proceedings in this matter he admits that Mr. Pitt was aware, which seems to us a sufficient voucher that the proceedings were disinterested and honorable; but the rest of the story certainly agrees with the known characters of Talleyrand and Barras; and while we regret that Mr. Pitt should have for a moment listened to such propositions, even for the great and Christian" object of ending the war, we cannot suppose that he gave in to it without some strong reason to believe in the authenticity of the offers. On this point of the character and policy of Mr. Pitt, as contrasted with that of Lord Grenville, we shall conclude with the words of the Editor: -

Lord Malmesbury now retired from public business, but we can hardly say from public affairs; for although, as he told Mr. Canning in March, 1801, as an excuse for his not thinking, in that season of ministerial changes, of any official employment," he was tied to his chair, and never expected to move ten yards from it," (vol. iv., p. 35,) still, as a peer, he had a responsible and indefeasible station in political life, and was, moreover, from temper and habit, led to enliven his dignified leisure by a strong curiosity and occasionally a busy share in the party struggles of the day. His residence was on the edge of what Dr. Johnson called the great tide of human existencefirst in Spring Garden, in a fine house where in later days we remember Lord Dover and the present Duke of Bedford, and afterwards in old Richmond House, where Richmond-terrace has been since built, and he possessed for some years the beautiful villa of Park Place, near Henley. In town he kept an excellent and hospitable table; and as age confined him more and more to home, he was happy to receive the many morning visits that-thus living in the gangway to the houses of Parliament-his numerous acquaintance were always ready to pay to one whose lively curiosity, extensive information, polished manners, and varied conversation amply rewarded their attentions He had all his life been fond of the company of young people. He had early formed a close inti

we believe, honestly, and the veracity of the chronicler is not to be confounded with the accuracy of the facts. Lord Malmesbury sat at the receipt of custom, and news was the tribute which his friends paid him; but it was often in coin clipped or debased, or even absolutely counterfeit.

In any daily record of passing events and fluctuating opinions there must be frequent inconsistencies and contradictions, and Lord Malmesbury's " · Correspondence and Diaries," taken as a whole, tell, we think, almost as much against himself as against any one he names. We have already shown how little they maintain his diplomatic reputation, and they no better vindicate his own private consistency. On the king's illness in 1801, Lord Malmesbury collected every rumor of the undutiful and unfeeling behavior of the Prince of Wales towards his afflicted father, quite forgetful that, after having obtained from the same king the greatest personal favor a subject can receive, he himself had under similar circumstances in 1788 abetted the same Prince of Wales in conduct much more undutiful and unfeeling than that with which he now reproached him. What is the key to this?-Lord Malmesbury had reconciled himself to the king, had been honorably employed, created viscount and earl, and, having enrolled himself as one of the king's friends, had naturally fallen out with the prince. But when we turn over a few pages Lord Malmesbury's candor affords us some reason to doubt the truth of his imputations against the prince :

"March 7, 1801.-Prince of Wales yesterday evening and this morning with the king; his behavior there right and proper. How unfortunate that it is not sincere; or rather that he has so effeminate a mind as to counteract all his own good qualities, by having no control over his weaknesses!"-vol. iv., p. 33.

macy with Mr. Canning-whose friendship for | heard and believes, often erroneously, but always, Lord Malmesbury was, says the Editor, like that of an affectionate son-and he had, as we have seen, surrounded himself with Mr. Canning's personal friends, and to the last he continued to cultivate the acquaintance of the young men who began to distinguish themselves in public life. These circumstances and connexions, with his old diplomatic taste for gossip and those little political manœuvres commonly called intrigue, kept him au fait of all that was going on-or at least all that was said to be going on-for there is a vast difference between the reality of such affairs and the rumors of even the best informed circles. The fourth volume of this work is wholly occupied with a diary kept by Lord Malmesbury, with great assiduity, of all he heard and saw of public affairs(interspersed with some interesting correspondence, especially with Mr. Canning and the Duke of York)-from Mr. Pitt's resignation in the first days of 1801, down to the Convention of Cintra in 1808. No extracts that our space would allow us to make could afford an adequate idea of this great mass of mingled gossip and history. Lord Malmesbury's pen had no touch of pleasantry, nor even of vivacity, and it would therefore not be easy to produce amusing specimens of what is yet a very amusing whole. To us, and to the many still living who, like us, happen to have been contemporary with the events-who have seen all and known most of the dramatis persona-nothing can be more attractive; we seem to be living our youth over again. We may fancy ourselves walking down rather early to the House, and turning in at Richmond Gardens to while away the spare half-hour with the old Lion-as "from his brilliant eyes and profusion of white hair" Lord Malmesbury was not unwilling to be called by his younger associates; but we doubt whether it will have the same success with more distant and more disinterested readers. And even with us and our contemporaries the first impression is by no means favorable to the taste or discretion of the publication, as regards either the noble diarist himself or those of whom he treats. We meet in every page harsh mention of names that we have loved and respected; and we know, even within our own narrow circle, that a considerable degree of private feeling has been painfully excited. But upon further reflection a good deal of that will wear off. Many of the harsh things that Lord Malmesbury says under a momentary influence, he soon unsays, and of many others he himself supplies the means of refutation; and one thing may be said for him-that though he evidently had strong biases, he never seems to have wilfully misrepresented any one; and it turns out-singularly enough-that the person whom of all others he seems most to have disliked-Lord Grenvillemakes nearly the best figure in the book for both consistency and sagacity, while his most intimate and applauded friend-the late Lord Chichesterif we were to take all that is said of him au pied de la lettre, would appear irresolute, self-interested, and blamably indiscreet. We are inclined to believe that no public man ever kept an honest journal of his daily opinions on events, and especially on persons, who would not, after a lapse of time, read over many of his entries with regret, and sometimes with self-reproach, for his own credu- "March 4.-Addington's mind is full of peace lity or injustice. Let us allow to Lord Malmes--no great proof of strength of character, wisdom, bury and his victims the advantage of these indul- or statesman-like knowledge, in such times as gent considerations. He notes down what he has these."-vol. iv., p. 28.

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Here we see proper conduct admitted, with an ingenious surmise that it would not be lasting; but then by-and-by we find the following anecdote recorded :—

"March 24.-Lord Carlisle, Lord Lansdowne, Lord Fitzwilliam, and Fox have coalesced. It is said they informed the Prince of Wales, through Lord Moira, of this step, tendered him an offer of their services, and that they should hold their conferences at Carlton House. The prince, it is said, replied, that he was under too niuch anxiety for the king's health to think of politics; that he thanked them for their communication, but not only declined their proposal, but observed that, out of respect to the king, he considered it as his duty to acquaint Mr. Addington with it, and this he immediately did."-vol. iv., p. 51.

And henceforward we hear little or no more on the subject of the prince's undutiful behavior; and indeed there are some strong statements of a direct contrary tendency.

Again; we have fresh in our recollections Mr. Pitt's efforts, his perhaps too anxious efforts, for peace; and we are told that in 1800 he was about to make another attempt, and would have named Lord Malmesbury for it, (iv., 28 ;) and yet we find Lord Malmesbury, so early as the 4th of March, 1801, saying in derogation of Mr. Addington, then about to replace Mr. Pitt,—

Thus Pitt is applauded and Addington sneered | consequences of any system of journalizing, in at for the same identical policy.

which-though the rumors of one day are effaced by those of the next, yet the false report and the true one-the passing impression and the permanent conviction—are equally recorded, and when they happen, by breach of faith or mistaken zeal, to be published promiscuously, become offensive to private feelings and delusive to public opinion. In

Again, he says of Mr. Pitt's resignation,"Feb. 7.-It looks at times to me as if Pitt was playing a very selfish and, in the present state of affairs, a very criminal part; that he goes out to show his own strength, and under the certain expectation of being soon called upon again to govern the country, with uncontrolled power."-the present case, however, we repeat that no great vol. iv., p. 4.

harm is done; for to those who attentively read And when the king's illness, consequent on the the whole Diary, very little of that which seems to anxiety this resignation caused him, became alarm-bear hardest upon individuals will be found of any ing, the diarist expresses his loyal indignation in real weight or authority.. terms which clearly allude to Mr. Pitt as one of


The diary opens with the change of ministry in 1801, and with his majesty's illness, which Lord "Feb. 22.-Who acted in order to gratify their Malmesbury states very truly, was produced by private resentments, or promote their ambitious the agitation of the royal mind in being forced to views; and these men, let them be who they will, part from Mr. Pitt-with whom he never before may be considered as the most consummate politi-had had a difference (iv., p. 7)—in such a crisis of cal villains that ever existed. They ought to be held in execration by the country, and their names handed down to posterity with infamy; for they will have been the first cause of the destruction of the intellects or life of a sovereign, to whose kingly virtues, and to whose manly and uniform steady exertion of them during a reign of forty years, this country, and every subject in it, owes the preservation of its liberties and everything that is valuable to him."-vol. iv., p. 15.

the world, and on a point which his majesty felt not merely as invalidating the constitutional right by which he held his crown-but as irreconcilable with what he held dearer than his crown-his religion and his conscience.

Lord Malmesbury states that the origin of the king's illness was

"A cold caught by his remaining so long in church in very bad snowy weather on the day appointed for a general fast, 13th February; and the And again, when the king grew better,- physicians do not scruple to say, that although his "March 7.-The king, in directing Willis to majesty certainly had a bad cold, and would, under speak or write to Pitt, said, "Tell him I am now all circumstances, have been ill, yet that the hurry quite well, QUITE recovered from my illness; but and vexation of all that has passed was the cause what has he not to answer for, who is the cause of of his mental illness; which, if it had shown my having been ill at all?" This, on being re-itself at all, would certainly not have declared peated, affected Pitt so deeply, that it immediately produced the letter (the most dutiful, humble, and contrite) mentioned above, and brought from him the declaration of his readiness to give way on the Catholic question."-vol. iv., p. 32.

And finally,

"March 9.-The whole is a very sad story-the work of mean and bad passions; a trial of strength which a great subject presumes to institute with his king, and a king to whom he owes all his greatness. It began in this, continues in this, and will end in it, and ruin follow to the common weal."-vol. iv., p. 40.

And after all this, we find him within a few weeks suggesting and carrying on an intrigue to force this "6 political villain" back into office; and within three months we find the following


"June 8.-I was with Pitt at his breakfast. I told him that I had much satisfaction in assuring him that I should follow his line in politics; that I understood his motives, and respected them in acting as he had done."-vol. iv., p. 263.

Again; there is no one, we think, whom Lord Malmesbury mentions with more asperity than the late Lord Auckland, and particularly for his supposed share in disturbing the king's mind in 1801, by alarming him against the designs of Mr. Pitt on the Catholic question. Yet we shall find Lord Malmesbury himself pursuing the same line, (and without so strong a duty,) and instigating the Duke of Portland to take similar measures for encouraging the king to resist the Catholic concessions proposed by the Talents.

We could produce many more instances of the same kind of contradictions; but these will suffice, our object being not to complain of Lord Malmesbury's injustice or inconsistency, but to expose the

itself so violently, or been of a nature to cause any alarm, had not these events taken place.”vol. iv., p. 19.

The following anecdote, however, which we received very soon after the event from a person who was present, proves that the mental excitement preceded the cold caught on the 13th February. The king was always in the habit of repeating the responses in the church service very audibly; but on this day, when he came to the following response of the Venite, he leaned over the front of his seat, and with an air of addressing the congregation, he repeated in a loud, emphatic, and angry tone-"Forty years long was I grieved with this generation, and said, it is a people that do err in their hearts, for they have not known my ways.” "It was impossible," said our informant, "not to see that all the perplexities and troubles of his forty years' reign were, by the new difficulties pressed upon him by one whom he so much regarded as Mr. Pitt, revived at the moment on his excited and morbid memory." Lord Malmesbury tells us that as early as the 6th or 7th of February,

"The king at Windsor read his coronation oath to his family-asked them whether they understood it-and added, 'If I violate it, I am no longer legal sovereign of this country, but it falls to the house of Savoy.'"

And in the entry for the 26th of February we read

"The king on Monday, after having remained many hours without speaking, at last towards the evening came to himself, and said, 'I am better now, but I will remain true to the church.' "—vol. iv., p. 19.

Lord Malmesbury is all along very indignant with Mr. Pitt for not having prepared the king's

sure you think so, and perhaps do not give it so gentle a name; but it was unavoidable. I was abandoned by everybody, allies and all. I have done, I conscientiously believe, for the best, because I could not do otherwise; but had I found more opinions like mine, better might have been done.

mind for Roman Catholic emancipation as the experimental peace, for it is nothing else. I am necessary consequence of the Union, and lays all the blame on the suddenness of the announcement. We have no proof that Mr. Pitt may not have approached the subject with the king, and we have a strong conviction that no degree of preparation or persuasion would have induced his majesty to view with less than utter horror any measure involving (as he considered it) the violation of his coronation "I thought the subject might agitate the king, oath. It has been a general opinion-and Lord and therefore tried to lead him from it; he perMalmesbury seems at one time to have believed-ceived my drift, and said, 'Lord Malmesbury, that Mr. Pitt seized this occasion of resigning, you and I have lived on the active theatre of this with the object of allowing Mr. Addington the world these thirty years; if we are not become mortification and odium of making a peace. Lord wise enough to consider every event which hapMalmesbury shows clearly that Mr. Pitt never pens quietly, and with acquiescence, we must evaded that responsibility himself, and that he even have lived very negligently. What would the took a supererogative responsibility in advising good man who wrote these excellent books (pointMr. Addington in his negotiations; but he does ing to the copy I had just presented to him of my not say that which we are enabled to assert from father's works) say, if we were such bad philosoMr. Addington's own report of his conferences phers, having had such means of becoming good with the king and Mr. Pitt-viz., that when Mr. ones?' and then his majesty reverted again to the Pitt went last into the closet to press the Catholic peace, spoke of the state of Europe, of France, question on his majesty, he had still hopes of being and this country; and by the turn of conversation able to prevail; the more so, as the king pressed it happened that the king and myself, almost in him with the greatest earnestness and affection not to desert him; but that when, after a long and warm conversation, Mr. Pitt declared peremptorily that he could not yield the point, the king suddenly changed his manner, and dismissed him!and when Mr. Pitt, in his surprise, attempted some rejoinder, the king in civil but very decided terms declined any further discussion.

the same moment, agreed that it was a most erroneous and dangerous maxim which prevailed, that Jacobinism was at an end or even diminished; that it was only quieter because it had carried one point, but we should soon see it blaze out again, when it had another in view; and from that the king passed to the court of Berlin, which he spoke of with great displeasure, even acrimony: This is the young man,' said he, of whom the great Frederic said "on ne lui arrachera jamais la couronne,' and we shall live, possibly, to see him without even his electoral dominions.""—vol. iv., pp. 62, 63.

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During all the preliminary arrangements for the new administration nothing could be more composed, more clear, more rational, than his majesty's conduct-but the effort overpowered him, and the scenes which we have just quoted with his family and in the chapel show the progress of the It will, we think, be admitted that the old excitement. We cannot follow all the daily" Philosopher of Salisbury" himself could not vicissitude's of his majesty's illness; but our readers will see with great interest the following account of Lord Malmesbury's first interview with the king after his recovery :


have made more judicious, nor his accomplished son more appropriate and statesmanlike observations than these of King George III., of whom we repeat with increased confidence since Mr. Twiss' publication of his notes to Lord Eldon what we said on a prior occasion, that if "ever, and to whatever extent, his daily correspondence with his several ministers on the various business of the state shall be published, the world will then, and not till then, be able duly to appreciate his virtues and his talents."-Q. Rev., vol. lxx., p. 282.

"29 Oct., 1801.-I went to Windsor to present to the king and queen copies of the new edition of my father's works. I saw them both alone on the morning of the 26th. I was with the king alone near two hours. I had not seen his majesty since the end of October, 1800, of course not since his last illness; but he did not look thinner, nor were there any marks A great part of the Diary is taken up with the of sickness or decline in his countenance or man- details of a ridiculous intrigue concocted, as it ner; these last were much as usual; somewhat seems, between Mr. Canning and Lord Malmesless hurried, and more conversable, that is to say, bury in the winter of 1802-3, for forcing Mr. Adallowing the person to whom he addressed himself dington to make way for Mr. Pitt's restoration to more time to answer and talk, than he used to do power. Mr. Canning, as was natural to a young when discussing on common subjects, on public man of his lively genius, aspiring hopes, and perand grave ones. I at all times for thirty years sonal attachment to Mr. Pitt, had from the first have found him very attentive, and full as ready to regretted the late resignations, and greatly underhear as to give an opinion, though perhaps not valuing the less brilliant qualities of the successors, always disposed to adopt it and forsake his own. he had, contrary to Mr. Pitt's wishes-and indeed He was gracious even to kindness, and spoke of at some risk, as it seems, of impairing their politmy father in a way which quite affected me. He ical and even their private friendship-endeavored expressed great satisfaction at seeing me less ill to discredit the ministry by censure and ridicule in than he expected; asked how I continued to keep the press, and by occasional sarcasms in parliawell; and on my saying, amongst other reasons, ment. These missiles not producing the desired that I endeavored to keep my mind quiet, and dis- effect, he, in concert with Lord Malmesbury, formmiss all unpleasant subjects from intruding them-ed a plan which, without compromising Mr. Pitt, selves on it, the king said, Tis a very wise maxim, and one I am determined to follow; but how, at this particular moment, can you avoid it?' And without waiting he went on by saying, 'Do you know what I call the Peace [of Amiens?]-an

who (as they well knew) would listen to no such expedients, should force Mr. Addington to be the instrument of his own downfall.

As a specimen of the candid inconsistency of Lord Malmesbury's diary, we may quote the fol

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