ing town, to leave it at St. James's Palace? It was impossible not to divine that the missive which the perplexed amanuensis had just sealed contained a summons to the duke. The ludicrous aspect of the affair was irresistible; and Melbourne with a grim smile undertook to play the part of first mute at his own funeral.

The King Threatening Impeachment.-When Lord Melbourne was reinstated in the Premiership in 1835, after the defeat of Peel, the King could but ill conceal the dislike he felt for the Minister whom he had previously summarily dismissed from power; and occasionally it would break forth vehemently. Lord Gosford had been named Governor of Canada, and no objection had been raised to his appointment. At a meeting of the Cabinet on the 11th of July, Melbourne said to his colleagues, "Gentlemen, you may as well know how you stand," and then proceeded to read a memorandum of a conversation between Lord Gosford and the King after a review the day before. His Majesty said, "Mind what you are about in Canada. By I will never consent to alienate the Crown lands, nor to make the Council elective. Mind me, my lord, the Cabinet is not my Cabinet; they had better take care, or by I will have them impeached. You are a gentleman, I believe; I have no fear of you; but take care what you do." The ministers present stared at one another, but agreed that it was better to take no notice of what had occurred, and see if the King's excitement would pass away.

"The Opposition" an Irregular Epithet.-On the first day of the session of 1842, after Melbourne's retirement from office and the election of a new Parliament, Brougham took his seat on the front bench next to him, just as he had done (writes Torrens) seven years before, chatting with his former friends all round, whether they would or not. From that position he addressed the House on the notorious bribery of the last general election, apportioning the blame without fear, favour, or affection to the supporters of the party now in power, "over and against whom he had the honour to stand, and the party in Opposition, in the front rank of which he had the honour to take his place." (Hear, hear, and a laugh from Lord Melbourne.) "He was at a loss to know what was meant by the interruption. Was his noble friend lately at the head of the Govern ment annoyed at the term Opposition ?" Melbourne retorted by reminding his implacable friend that so transcendent and impartial an arbiter of all legislative measures ought not to declare himself beforehand a leader of Opposition. In the good old times men were not ranged in accordance with plighted vows of party. He could recollect, when he was a member of the other House, a gentleman being called to order for designating some one as a member of the Opposition, and the Speaker ruling that the epithet was irregular.

A Brief Reply.-The most crushing reply (says the Quarterly Review) that any assailant ever received was on an occasion when Lord Brougham closed one of his most brilliant displays with a diatribe against the Melbourne Government. Lord Melbourne's reply was comprised in a single sentence: "My Lords, you have heard the eloquent speech of the noble and learned lord-one of the most eloquent he ever delivered in this

house and I leave your lordships to consider what must be the nature and strength of the objections which prevent any Government from availing themselves of the services of such a man.”

Industry.—In the Diary of Bishop Wilberforce, at a time when he was under medical treatment by Dr. Copeland, he records: "Dec. 25, 1845.-Copeland again full of anecdote. I had been attending Lord Melbourne for six weeks three times a day, when Minister. No one ever more mistaken. The most anxious painstaking man in the world. Worked all day in his bedroom with secretaries, &c., that he might be able to send bores away with-My lord has not yet got out of his bedroom.'

Ministerial Unanimity.—A familiar anecdote was thus related on one occasion by Sir Stafford Northcote to his constituents: "Lord Melbourne's Ministry wanted to deal with the Corn Laws, and proposed an eight-shilling duty. His Government did this, and he was not very fond of it himself; but when it had been agreed to by a majority of the Cabinet, what did he say? He remarked to his colleagues, 'What are we to say about this? Is it intended to raise the price of corn, or to lower the price of corn, or to keep it steady? I don't care what we say it is, only we had better all have one story."

Old-fashioned Language.-Lord Ossington (Mr. Speaker Denison) used to relate that, encountering Lord Melbourne when about to mount his horse at the door of his office, he called his attention to some required modifications in his new Poor Law Bill. Lord Melbourne referred him to his brother George. "I have been with him," was the reply, "but he damned me, and damned the Bill, and damned the paupers." "Well, damn it, what more could he do?" was the rejoinder.--The Melbourne Papers.

Indifference to Honours.-Mr. Charles Greville wrote of Melbourne: 66 He was perfectly disinterested, without nepotism, and without vanity; he sought no emoluments for his connections, and steadily declined all honours for himself. The Queen often pressed him to accept the Garter, but he never would consent, and it was remarked that the Prime Minister of England was conspicuous at Court for being alone undecorated amidst the stars and ribands which glittered around him."

Dispensation of Patronage.-He was on one occasion (remarks Torrens) pressed by the Sovereign to accept the blue riband, but declined. "A Garter," said he, "may attach to us somebody of consequence whom nothing else can reach; but what would be the use of my taking it? I cannot bribe myself." As a rule, he generally would have dissuaded anyone he really liked from seeking a step in the peerage. He loved to tell the story of a certain earl whom Lord Cornwallis laughed at for wishing a marquisate: "I have no son, and he has several, but if I had, I should remember that after such a promotion John and Tom could no longer afford to go to town on the top of the coach." Previous to the Queen's Coronation, when many were asking favours, an old friend wrote to say that he would call on him to explain what he desired to

have as a recognition of long fidelity. He happened to be the fourth who had come on similar business the same morning, and, the Minister's patience being rather exhausted, he said quickly, "Well, what can I do for you?" Fearing to let the opportunity slip, the anxious visitor muttered, "I don't very much care about it myself, but my lady wishes that I should be a marquis." Melbourne, who knew that he was not rich, opened his eyes, and said, "Why, you are not such a fool as that, are you?" On another occasion, an unfortunate member of the party, whom he had once described as a fellow who was asking for everything and fit for nothing, intimated that he had a new request to make, for reasons he wanted an interview to explain. The weary dispenser of patronage showed his note to Anson, saying, "What the devil would he have now! Does he want a Garter for the other leg ?"

Political Tutor to Queen Victoria.-Lord Melbourne's greatest service to his country was perhaps the painstaking care which he had the opportunity of showing, in the initiation of a new sovereign, both youthful and feminine, into the duty and the routine of the exalted functions she was called upon to exercise. The easy and amiable manners of the man made this task much less irksome to both than it might otherwise have been, and the manner in which it was discharged has been gratefully acknowledged by the Queen on more than one occasion. But the testimony of the greatest of Melbourne's political opponents may be quoted. The Duke of Wellington, in a speech in the House of Lords in 1841, said: "I am willing to admit that the noble viscount has rendered the greatest possible service to her Majesty. I happen to know that it is her Majesty's opinion that the noble viscount has rendered her Majesty the greatest possible service, making her acquainted with the mode and policy of the government of this country, initiating her into the laws and spirit of the Constitution, independently of the performance of his duty as the servant of her Majesty's crown; teaching her, in short, to preside over the destinies of this great country."

LORD BROUGHAM.

(1778-1868.)

Irrepressible Speech.-Henry Brougham received from the Duke of Bedford the offer of a seat for his borough of Camelford, and was returned in 1810. He spoke for the first time on the 5th of March in that year, in support of a motion by Mr. Whitbread for a vote of censure on the Government of the day, and on Lord Chatham, as commander-in-chief of the expedition to the Scheldt. He was expected to fire off an oration the very night he took his seat, but he had made a vow not to speak for a month, and he kept it. "It was remarked " (writes Campbell) "that for the future he never was in his place a whole evening, in either House of Parliament, without, regularly or irregularly, more than once taking part in the discussions." This (says the Quarterly Review) is a little overstated; but his oratory was irrepressible, and he would have suffered from suppressed speech as another

man might suffer from suppressed gout. Although his first attempt was a failure, he soon fought his way to the front, and by the end of his first session was competing for the leadership of the Opposition, then held by the Right Hon. George Ponsonby, ex-Chancellor of Ireland. Careless whether his claim to the leadership was formally recognised or not, he took the lead on so many important questions that the general public could not well help regarding him as leader, and the recalcitrant Whigs gradually succumbed to him.

"Broffam" versus "Broom.". Brougham did not get into regular practice at the bar till he had acquired celebrity in the House of Commons. He got a few Scotch appeals, and these brought him into early conflict with Lord Eldon, who persisted in calling him Mr. Broffam, till a formal remonstrance arrived through the assistant-clerk; whereupon the Chancellor gave in, and complimented the offended counsel at the conclusion of the argument, saying, "Every authority upon the question has been brought before us: new Brooms sweep clean."

His Attack upon Canning.-Brougham took part in the debate on the Roman Catholic claims, April 17, 1823, and in the course of his speech said, referring to Canning, he "had exhibited a specimen, the most incredible specimen, of monstrous truckling, for the purpose of obtaining office, that the whole history of political tergiversation could furnish." "Hansard" thus records what followed:-" Mr. Secretary Canning: 'I rise to say that that is false.' The Speaker (after a perfect silence in the house during some seconds) said, in a low tone, he hoped the right honourable Secretary would retract the expression he had used. An individual of his high rank and station could not fail to be aware that such an expression was a complete violation of the customs and of the orders of the House. He deeply regretted that, even in haste, it should have been used. Mr. Canning said he was sorry to have used any word which was a violation of the decorum of the House; but nothing -no consideration on earth-should induce him to retract the sentiment. After an appeal to the House on the part of the Speaker, Mr. Canning expressed his regret, so far as the orders of the House were concerned, at having attracted their displeasure, but said he could not in conscience recall his declaration. Some further discussion ensued, when Mr. Bankes moved 'that the Right Honourable George Canning and Henry Brougham, Esq., be committed to the custody of the Serjeant-at-Arms attending this House.' Mr. Brougham opposed the motion, pointing out that with the unanimous assent of the House it had been declared by the highest authority that Mr. Canning had committed a breach of their rules; and it was proposed by the motion to take himself also into custody, who had committed no offence whatever against the orders of the House. He admitted their power to take such a step if they chose, but declared if they did so it would be in flagrant violation of the principles of justice. He begged the House to understand he opposed the first part of the motion no less than the last. He would be the last man to hold up his hand for passing a censure upon the right honourable gentleman, or for committing him to custody for the expression which he had used on

hearing one half of the sentence which was about to be delivered. Ultimately Mr. Canning-Mr. Bankes having withdrawn his motion-said he should think no more of the matter; and Mr. Brougham similarly expressing himself, the affair terminated."-Brougham's explanation, at the end of this scene, that he had used the offensive words "only in a parliamentary sense," is pointed out by Lord Campbell as having given Dickens the suggestion of the "Pickwickian sense," in his most celebrated work. But Dickens, as a reporter, although too young to have been present at this particular scene, must have been familiar with other occasions on which similar incidents had occurred, and the "parliamentary sense" had been accepted as conveying "no offence i' the world."

All the Difference.-Canning, when Premier, is said to have offered the post of Chief Baron of the Exchequer to Brougham, who refused it on the ground that it would prevent his sitting in Parliament. "True," was the reply, "but you will then be only one stage from the woolsack." "Yes," returned Brougham, “but the horses will be off."

"The Schoolmaster Abroad."-The debate on the Address which took place in the House of Commons on the 29th of January, 1828, was one of an unusually animated character, in consequence of the Duke of Wellington having resigned his office of Commander-in-Chief and formed a new administration. Brougham confessed that he felt a very great degree of objection to the arrangement. There was in it, he said, no security or compensation to the house or to the country for this union of power. He had no fear, however, of slavery being introduced into this country by the power of the sword. It would take a stronger, it would demand a more powerful man even than the Duke of Wellington to effect such an object. These were not the times for such an attempt. There had been periods when the country heard with dismay that "the soldier was abroad." Now there was another person abroad-a less important person; in the eyes of some, an insignificant person; whose labours had tended to produce this state of things. The schoolmaster was abroad! And he trusted more to the schoolmaster armed with his primer, than he did to the soldier in full military array, for upholding and extending the liberties of his country.

A Noble Boast.—Brougham's speech in the House of Commons on Law Reform, in February, 1828, was one of the most effective he ever delivered. The Quarterly Review says of it that, "directly or indirectly, it has probably led to a greater number of important and beneficial results than any other speech, ancient or modern." He spoke on this occasion for six hours, and concluded thus: "It was the boast of Augustus-it formed part of the glare in which the perfidies of his earlier years were lost that he found Rome of brick and left it of marble; a praise not unworthy a great prince, and to which the present reign also has its claims. But how much nobler will be the sovereign's boast when he shall have it to say that he found law dear and left it cheap; found it a sealed book, left it a living letter; found it the patrimony of the rich, left it the inheritance of the poor; found it the two-edged sword of craft and oppression, left it the staff of honesty and the shield of innocence."