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rangement of the future government of France, as such an establishment of the affairs of that great and enlightened country, as the friends of liberty in England have always contended for, in opposition to the declarations and prac tices of its enemies. How it happened that an Autocrat of all the Russias became the patron of a free govern ment, can be elucidated only by more correct details of the comparative condition of the contending armies, and of the agreements which had been previously entered into between the leaders of the senate, Louis the 18th, and the allied sovereigns. But whatever may have led to this propitious change in the sentiments of the allies, nothing can be more honourable to the understanding and policy of ALEXANDER, than his noble declaration, that "it was just and wise to give to France strong and liberal institu tions, which may be conformable to the present state of knowledge, and that he and his allies came only to protect the liberty of the senate's decisions."

Twenty millions of victims might proba

in the presence of two millions of people. In June, 1791, he fled from the Thuilleries, leaving behind him a strong protest against all the proceedings of the national assembly. In September, he however accepted the new constitution, and it was put in force. In the winter of that year confederacies of the neighbouring powers were formed against France, and hostilities were commenced by members of the Bourbon family and others. In 1792, France was invaded by the Prussians, &c. In June, the king was seized in the Thuilleries, and deposed. In September, France was declared a republic. In that winter, various powers of Europe confederated against France, and the republican party became desperate. In 1793, the king, queen, &c. were guillotined. In 1794, Robespierre and his party fell. In 1795, the directory was established. In 1796, Bonaparte began his victorious career in Italy. In 1799, Bonaparte returned from Egypt, overturned the directory, and made himself first consul for ten years. In 1802, he made himself consul for life: and in December, 1804, was crowned emperor by the pope. His career since that time is within the recollection of all persons. But it so happens in the wliirl of mundane affairs, that after a series of wars, in which rivers of human blood have been spilt, the parties have returned exactly to the point at which they set out, and a free constitution has been established in 1814,

corresponding in effect, spirit, and inten. tion with that constitution of 1791, the intrigues, clamors, and confederacies against which, indirectly or immediately, occasioned all the intervening calamities!

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bly have been spared from cruel or igno minious deaths, and twenty-four years of public calamity might have been prevented to Europe and America, if a similar spirit had actuated the confederacy against France in 1791. Such a constitution as that now adopted was all that was wished by Mr. Fox, and the friends of liberty in England; and, if their principles and advice had been respected in 1792, Europe might have been saved from the everlasting stigma of these most disgraceful and horrible wars. Let us hope, however, that the lesson will be more useful, because more impressive; and that the Rulers of nations will know better on future occasions, than to confederate for the unhallowed purpose of regulating the internal administration of other countries, or of overawing the exer tions made by any independent people to improve or ameliorate their condition!

This great triumph of principle seems, however, at the moment in which we write, to be almost lost sight of in a supposed personal triumph over the late Emperor of France. The objects of the tremendous contest in which Europe has been engaged, as well as the special grounds of hostility between France and the several allied powers, appear to have been forgotten or abandoned. Perhaps, as it was at length ascertained to be impracticable to destroy principles by the sword, it was deemed safer, as well as easier, to transfer the odium of an interminable war, upon the victorious champion of the revolution, than to admit that its original principle was unattainable and indefensible. In a dispassionate inquiry after truth on these subjects, it ought however to be borne in mind, that when these wars commenced, Bonaparte was yet a student at Brienne, that the horrors of the revolution had nearly passed away before he appeared on the stage, and that the French repub lic, but for the intervention of his genius, would in 1799 have been over-run by Suwarrof and others. Nor should it be forgotten, that, on becoming First Consul, he concluded liberal treaties of peace with all the powers which he found at war with France.

How it has happened that the treaty of Amiens was not respected-that Austria three times took the field against him that Prussia engaged herself in hostilities-that Russia espoused the cause of Prussia-that the treaty of Tilsit was broken-that the feuds took place in Spain which led to an unjusti fiable usurpation in that country-and

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Public Affairs in April.

that all the overtures of Bonaparte for peace were rejected-are points of great moment in these considerations, for which the cool inquirer should consult the state papers connected with the several events. This general result, however, appears, that France became wearied and exhausted from the demands made on her in men and money, to support unceasing wars that the usurpation of the supreme powers of the state by Napoleon, and his unyielding pride in the administration of the government, begat discontents in the people, and jealousy and further restrictions on his part, till the amor patria lost its force;-that the levies for the armies fell short;-that treason pervaded every branch of the public service; that the energies of the nation were palsied-that the popula tion of Russia, Prussia, Austria, Germany, &c. was in array;-that a compromise took place between the allies and certain constituted authorities in Paris; -and finally that Napoleon, after a vigo rous, but unavailing struggle, was obliged to succumb!*

No person has been influenced by any respect for its intrinsic worth to countenance the arbitrary rule of Napoleon, But the public question since his usurpa. tion has not been to choose between the free institutions of a republic or limited monarchy, and his government, but to choose between this government of

* We may by the bye observe, that the novel doctrine of the right of belligerents, to appeal to the subjects of a ruler who has refused to accede to any tendered terms of peace, and to proclaim to them that with him they must submit to interminable war, but without him may enjoy the blessings of immediate peace, even on better terms than were offered to him, is a public principle which we rejoice to see promulgated on such high authority; and which, how ever abhorrent to the existing axioms of public law, ought forthwith to be incorporated with them. It is a higher practical security than the nations of the earth yet possessed against useless or wanton wars. Let it be an admitted usage for belligerents to make such appeals to people against the opposing governments; let it be justifiable to declare that peace shall be made with them, and not with their government; and that if they will absolve themselves from their government, better terms shall be granted to them and WARS WILL CEASE, or at least no war can ever be waged, unless, as ought to be the case, it is founded on the plainest necessity; and unless the people are made assenting parties in every stage of its progress.

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French birth, in the machinery of which were employed and protected all the known friends of liberty in France, and some government to be forced on the French by the interference of foreign powers. It was the detestable and indefensible principle of foreign interference in the affairs of another country, which the friends of liberty in England have uniformly opposed, and not the vices of the government of Bonaparte which they have countenanced or defended. They thought that of two despotisms, that which grew up in France out of na tive materials, containing within itself the elements of its own dissolution, and the defects of which were matters of concern (only to the French, was to be preferred to one dictated by foreign potentates, with whom a respect for public liberty could not be supposed to be a governing principle, and who were not likely to introduce into a conquered country more liberty than they tolerated in ' their own.

For the mere personal cause of Napoleon we never had any attachment, and therefore for his fate as emperor and king we have no sympathy. We have never forgotten that as a general and servant of the French republic he vio➡ lated the sanctuary of the national representation, seized on the constitutional authorities, and made himself, by the influence of the army, premier consul, con sul for life, and afterwards emperor of France, king of Italy, &c. In these imposing stations it must nevertheless be allowed that he played a brilliant part, gained more great victories than are recorded in the previous annals of mankind, overran more countries than Alexander, Cæsar, or Charlemagne, made and uumade kings and princes, like the manager of a theatre, and acquired a name, which among heroes will for ever hold a primary station in the pantheon of history; yet he had trampled on the liberties of his country, and destroyed li berty wherever he found it!

Such a man might have been acceptable to the radical enemies of freedom; but he could have no fraternity with the systematic and unchangeable friends of public liberty. The grandeur of his atchievements gave colour for a time to his usurpation of power; but his assumption of the purple, his marriage with an Austrian princess, his cold manners, and his camp-like domination, lessened his popularity among his subjects; while suc cessive wars, excited partly by relentless and jealous foes, and partly by his own unbending

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unbending character and ambitious policy, served to oppress France with conscriptions and imposts, and to render his government at first irksome and finally intolerable. France was however indebted to him for the promulgation of an admirable CODE OF LAWS, for a system of RELIGIOUS LIBERTY, and for the introduction of that bulwark of justice, TRIAL BY JURY, She was also gratified by his patronage of the arts and sciences, by his galleries of painting, sculpture, and engraving, by his magnificent buildings, his roads, his institutions, and his public works; though she was at the same time oppressed by a refined and inquisitorial system of espionage, and insulted by restrictions on the press, which by leaving the people in ignorance of the grounds of his policy, made them indifferent to the public interest, and dissevered of necessity the go verned from their governor.

We fear to extend our strictures on his administration, because it is a master vice of mankind to insult a fallen foe, and the inveterate babit of conceited critics, to shew what might have been performed better, after errors have been measured by events. We cannot determine what might have been his conduct or fate if the war with England had not afforded pretexts for augmenting his armies, and taking strong ineasures against his domestic enemies, as connected with his foreign ones; if he had not during the whole period of his government had to resist the intrigues of the partizans of the exiled family, and to support with the usual jealousy an usurped power; and if his plans of domestic improvement had not been thwarted by the expense of foreign wars. We shall however always regret that he did not take for his model a man whose renown eclipses that of any imperial Despot of ancient or modern times, we mean THE ILLUSTRIOUS WASH INGTON. Ilad he used his power to protect and regulate, instead of destroying Liberty, he would have been greater than Washington, because his sphere of action was more important. Had he permitted the freedom of speech in his senate and legislature, and the liberty of publishing truth on all subjects of public interest, he would not have converted discontent in to treason, or have had to learn the sentiments of his capital from the Russians. Had he permitted the independant opinions of a free senate and legislature to influence his councils, he would never have seen Europe in arms against him, because the amalgamation of opinions would have generated a system of mode

ration, and he would then have been too strong in the affections of his people to be assailed with any chance of success. In brief, had his government been founded on any popular principle, had his peo ple been allowed to share his glory, had he not made himself every thing, and treated forty millions of human beings as though they lived only to contribute to the splendour of their emperor and his family, he might have enjoyed his unexampled renown, at the head of the French empire, till removed by the decay of nature: but he was not cast in the mould of Washington; he was what his military education, unbridled passions, and indulgent fortune, made him, and his different fate is the necessary result of those varied combinations which govern by unalterable laws the destinies of men and nations.

Events have however on this, as on most occasions, rendered abortive the deep-laid and sanguine plans of the rulers of Europe, and have demonstrated, that the complicated machinery which governs the world, is not within the controul of the finite powers of man! The BOURBONs are to be restored-not in the ancient obnoxious sense, but as constitutional monarchs. BONAPARTE has abdicated rather than consent to a peace which he thought ignominious; and neither he, nor any of the surviving actors in the scenes of the revolutionary drama, are to be insulted or proscribed. Thus LIBERTY has been esta blished in France on a basis of moderation, without violating either justice or humanity; and the perpetuity of its reign is secured by the guarantee of the chief potentates of Europe, by the terrible experience of the revolution, and by the mild virtues and passive chamcter of the members of the Bourbon family. Every thing seems therefore to have been done, in the repose of this great political storm, for the establishment of valuable prin ciples and practical liberty, which the state of knowledge, the influence of existing institutions, and the discordant passions and conflicting interests of mankind could sustain or tolerate; and to expect more, if more were desirable, would be to look for effects without the agency of commensurate causes.

Sincerely, therefore, do we congratu late the public on the termination of a series of WARS which have been the scourge of our times, and the disgrace of human nature. For our honest abhor rence of them, how much have we been calumniated, and how many sacrifices have we made of our interests and our

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1814.] personal comforts! Let us, however, now hope, that the baleful spirit of party will abate; that the efforts of certain wicked Newspapers to keep it alive, as the pabulum of their own existence, will prove abortive; that external tranquillity will be followed by domestic happiness and prosperity; and that we may live at home and abroad in the spirit, as well as in the form, of PEACE.

In the reduction of our naval and military establishments, we see the relief of the public finances, and the prospect of a reduction of those taxes which bear so heavily on the industry and energy of the people; in the restoration of public confidence, we anticipate the renewed currency of the precious metals; in the opening of all markets for our colonial produce and manufactures, we calculate on an unexampled trade, as the means of securing useful employment to the numerous agents of the war-system; and in the march of knowledge, we see reason to expect the reform of our national representation, and its restoration to its ori ginal and legitimate purposes, thereby obtaining a constitutional check on the progress of future wars, a means of ameliorating our criminal laws, and a power of diminishing the corruptions and undue influence of the ministers of the crown.

Such are the feelings and sentiments which have presented themselves to us on the occasion of the late events, and which we have judged it proper to place on record, for the purpose of guarding ourselves against crafty and malicious misrepresentations, and of submitting to the public a test, by which it may be seen, that our opinions accord with those of all PATRIOT ENGLISHMEN, and have their foundation in TRUTH, JUSTICE, and

COMMON SENSE.

ADVANCE OF THE ALLIES TO PARIS.

Heights of Belleville, above Paris, March 30,

1814. Seven o'Clock in the Evening. MY LORD-I seize an opportunity which offers at this instant, to transmit to you an account of the successes of this day.

After the affair of Fere Champenoise, the details of which I had the honour of giving to your Lordship in my last dispatch, the united army of Prince Schwartzenberg and Marshal Blucher passed the Marne on the 28th and 29th, at Triport and Meaux.

The enemy opposed a feeble resistance to the passage of the river; but on the 28th, in the evening, General D'Yorck was severely engaged near Claye; he drove the enemy, however, at last from the woods about that place with very considerable loss.

MONTHLY MAG, No. 254.

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It appears that, during last night, the corps of Marshals Mortier and Marmon entered Paris. The garrison which previously was assembled in it, was composed of a part of General Gerard's corps, under General Compaus, and a force of about eight thousand regular troops and thirty thousand national guards, under General Hulin, the governor of the town.

With this force the enemy, under the command of Joseph Bonaparte, took up a position this morning, the right on the height of Belleville occupying that town, the centre on the canal de l'Ourque, the left towards Neuilly.

tersected nature of the ground on its right. This position was strong, from the inThe heights of Montmartre commanded the plain in rear of the canal of l'Ourque, and added strength to the position of the enemy.

The disposition of attack for this morning was, the Prince Royal of Wirtemberg, forming the left, marching upon Vincennes; General Reiffsky upon Belleville; the guards and reserves upon the great chaussee leading from Bondy to Paris. Marshal Blucher was to march upon the chaussees from Soissons, and attack Montmartre.

All the attacks succeeded: General Reiffsky possessed himself of the heights of Belleville; the troops under his orders particularly distinguished themselves in the different attacks made by them.

The village of Pontin was carried at the point of the bayonet; the heights above Belleville were carried in the most gallant manner by the Prussian guards; these corps captured 43 pieces of cannon, and took a great number of prisoners.

Nearly at the time these successes had been obtained, Marshal Blucher com menced his attack upon Montmartre. The regiment of Prussian black hussars made a most brilliant charge upou a column of the enemy, and took twenty cannon.

At the moment of these decisive advantages, a flag of truce was sent from Marshal Marmont, intimating a desire to receive any propositions that it might have been intended to make to him, by a flag of truce which had previously been refused admittance. An armistice was also proposed by him for two hours, to obtain which, he consented to abandon every position he occupied without the barriers of Paris.

Prince Schwartzenberg agreed to these terms. Count Nesselrode, on the part of the Emperor of Russia, and Count Paar, from Prince Schwartzenberg, were sent

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into the town to demand its surrender. An answer is just arrived; the garrison will evacuate Paris at 7 o'clock to-morrow morning.

I may, therefore, congratulate your lordship on the capture of that capital.

The allied troops will enter it to-morrow. Your lordship will excuse the hurry in which this letter is written; I have only time to give you the general details of the great events which have taken place; at such a moment it would be difficult to repress a feeling of exultation.

The Emperor of Russia and the King of Prussia were present in all the actions.

BURGHERSH, Lieut. Col. 63d regt.

Declaration of his Majesty the Emperor of Russia.

The armies of the allied powers have occupied the capital of France; the allied sovereigns receive favourably the wish of

the French nation.

They declare, that if the conditions of peace ought to contain stronger guarantees when the question was to bind down the ambition of Bonaparte, they may be more favourable, when, by the return of a wise government, France herself offers the assurance of this repose.

The sovereigns proclaim in consequence, that they will no more treat with Napoleon Bonaparte, nor with any of his family.

They respect the integrity of ancient France, as it existed under its legitimate Kings: they may even do more, because they profess it as a principle, that, for the happiness of Europe, France must be great and strong:

That they will recognize and guarantee the Constitution which France shall adopt. They, therefore, invite the senate to name immediately a provisional government, which may provide for the wants of the administration, and prepare the Constitution which shall suit the French people.

The intentions which I have just expressed, are common to all the allied powers. (Signed)

ALEXANDER. Paris, March 31, 3 o'clock in the afternoon.

Extract from the Registers of the Conservative Senate-Sitting of April 3, under the Presidency of Senator Count de Barthelemy.

The sitting which had been adjourned was resumed at four o'clock, when the senator Count Lambrechts read the revised and adopted plan of the decree which passed in the sitting of yesterday. It is in the following terms:

The Conservative Senate, considering that in a constitutional monarchy, the monarch exists only in virtue of the constitution or social compact:

That Napoleon Bonaparte, during a certain period of firm and prudent govern

ment, afforded to the nation reasons to cal culate for the future on acts of wisdom and justice; but that afterwards he violated the compact which united him to the French people, particularly in levying imposts and establishing taxes otherwise than in virtue of the law, against the express tenor of the oath which he had taken on his ascending the throne, conformable to Article 53 of the Act of the Constitution of the 28th Floreal, year 12;

That he committed this attack on the rights of the people, even in adjourning, without necessity, the Legislative Body, and causing to be suppressed, as criminal, a report of that body, the title of which, and its share in the national representation, he disputed;

That he undertook a series of wars in violation of article 50, of the Act of the Constitution of the 22d Frimaire, year 3, which purports, that declarations of war should be proposed, debated, decreed, and promulgated in the same manner as laws;

That he issued, unconstitutionally, several decrees, inflicting the punishment of death; particularly the two decrees of the 5th of March last, tending to cause to be considered as national, a war which would not have taken place but for the interests of his boundless ambition;

That he violated the constitutional laws by his decrees respecting the prisoners of the state;

That he annulled the responsibility of the ministers, confounded all authorities, and destroyed the independence of judicial bodies:

Considering that the liberty of the press, established and consecrated as one of the rights of the nation, has been constantly subjected to the arbitrary controul of his police, and that at the same time he has always made use of the press to fill France and Europe with misrepresentations, false maxims, doctrines favourable to despotism, and insults on foreign governments;

That acts and reports heard by the se nate, have undergone alterations in the publication:

Considering that, instead of reigning ac cording to the terms of his oath, with a sole view to the interest, the happiness, and the glory of the French people, Napoleon com. pleted the misfortunes of his country by his refusal to treat on conditions which the national interests required him to accept, aud which did not compromise the French honour;

By the abuse which he made of all the means entrusted to him in men and money; By the abandonment of the wounded without dressings, without assistance, and without subsistence;

By varions measures, the consequences of which were the ruin of the towns, the depopulation of the country, famine, and contagious diseases;

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