magnitude or the significance which the historian of the future will attach to them. Every generation is in some sense, and in no small sense, a trustee for the future; but upon the men and women of this generation there rests to-day, and has rested for nearly three years, a responsibility greater perhaps than was ever laid upon the shoulders of mankind before. And I am very proud to say, and I know that you are all very proud to feel, that the spirit of our people, whether in this Motherland or elsewhere throughout the Empire, has risen fully responsive to the need. Beyond question we were very much absorbed in our own material concerns for many years before this war broke out. But when the call did come, all these ideas about immediate progress and development-the veneer, if I may call it, of materialism-were brushed aside in one moment, and we found that there was hid beneath that surface a spirit which has been constant and steadfast up to the present, and which, please God, will remain constant and steadfast until the end.

No more peace-loving population ever dwelt in any part of the King's Dominions than the people of Canada, but they realized the cause of this war; they realized from the first your purpose in the United Kingdom in undertaking it; they realized to what extent democracy, liberty, the civilization, the future of the world, rested upon the issue which had been prepared by Germany. And so they, in common with all the people of the King's Dominions, were prepared, and are still prepared, to do their duty in this war to the end. It has already had a profound influence upon our people, and it must continue in all the years to come to have perhaps an even more profound influence. I have seen in hospitals and in convalescent homes hundreds, thousands of my own countrymen, who had come across the Atlantic at the call of duty, who had gone beyond the Channel to discharge the highest duty of a citizen to his country, who had offered themselves for the supreme sacrifice if necessary, and who had fought in a splendid comradeship with men from these islands, from India, and from all the oversea Dominions. What will be the outlook of these men, what the outlook of the men from these islands, after the war is over? They will come back, surely, realizing that while this Empire has been called in the past the greatest human agency for good

that the world has ever known, yet it may have in the future still higher and greater opportunities for service to the world and they will come back inspired with the desire that these great responsibilities will be fulfilled. They will come back, further, conscious that in these great events in the world's greatest theater of action they have played no inconspicuous part, and they will realize-I am speaking of the men from our Dominion-that in the contact of nations in the great events of to-day they have demonstrated, not only to you in this Mother Country, but to all the Allied nations and to the world at large, that Canada has raised herself to the full rank and dignity of nationhood in every worthy way. We have sent from the manhood of Canada to this war, in one way and another, no less than 360,000 men. I mention this to show you the spirit of self-sacrifice, self-denial, and devotion which has animated our people; it has been good for them, as for the cause which they are supporting, and it has been good in its spiritual influence upon our nation as a whole. I may tell you that the people of Canada by voluntary contributions for one benevolent patriotic purpose after another since the commencement of this war, have raised well-nigh sixty millions of dollars, or twelve million pounds, and they have done it willingly and splendidly, in no grudging spirit, but with a full sense of their responsibility. The gratitude of the people of the whole Empire must go out to its womanhood for their splendid devotion. God bless the women of the Empire for all that they have done for the service of the nation and of the world in this great struggle in which we are now engaged.

But what, after all, is the meaning of this war to the world? What is its meaning now, and what shall be its meaning in the years to come? On the other side of the Atlantic is a great kindred nation, which after exercising infinite patience has found itself constrained by the cause for which we are fighting to throw its force into the conflict—a force which cannot be overestimated and which can have no small influence in bringing this war to that issue which we all have at heart. In that great nation there are, to my personal knowledge, more associations and societies designed and established for the purpose of maintaining the peace of the world than there are in all the

other nations put together. It may be that some of the ideals of these societies may under present conditions be entirely beyond practical realization. I care not for that. I say that the purpose is good, and I count among the great agencies which shall influence the opinion of the world those societies and the great work of a society like this. For though we may speak as much as we like of the influence of democracy, of the possibility of peace-keeping leagues of nations, the future peace of the world must rest upon one firm basis, and one firm basis alone and that is the public opinion of the world.

The organized life of this nation and of the Dominions of the British Empire rests, in the final analysis, upon the public opinion of the people. It is upon that that our national life and our national institutions rest. And so, when we speak of leagues of nations organized to keep the peace and no one would welcome more heartily than I would all organized efforts for that purpose-I hold that in the community of the world, as in the community of any national life, there must be the public opinion which will command the peace of the world, and that it cannot be commanded in any other way. And so I hope that this war will inspire war-weary humanity with an earnest and purposeful effort to bring about that peace; because I do not conceal from you my own conviction that unless the democracies of the world can find some means by which war on so gigantic a scale, with such awful results to humanity, can be avoided in the future, then the existing social order cannot last. But on what, after all, does democracy rest? The ideals of democracy, the purpose of democracy, the result of democracy, must rest upon the collective conscience of the people in any community, and democracy will attain results, great or small, in so far as the conscience, the purpose, and the ideals of the people are guided by that Book which it is the purpose of this Society to circulate. And so it is the public opinion of the world that we must try to influence, and I repeat once more my high appreciation of the service that you are giving to humanity of the present and of the future in carrying on the great purpose which you have at heart and on behalf of which I have to speak to-day.

I believe that you have had in the United Kingdom, as we

have had in Canada, a great spiritual uplift as the result of this war. Men and women are more concerned to-day with things spiritual than they were four years ago. It could not be otherwise; there has been so much devotion and so much self-sacrifice. More than that, there has been sorrow brought to so many a home-sorrow mingled with a most solemn pride that those who have gone forth have proved themselves worthy of the highest ideals of humanity and the best traditions of the race. It would be impossible that all this should take place without its exercising a very powerful influence indeed upon the people; and perhaps our concern should be not so much as to how that will be maintained during the war-because I believe it will be-but as to what will come afterwards. I remember, many years ago, hearing a great divine in my own country preach a sermon I shall never forget upon a text which I think I can recall: "They that wait upon the Lord shall renew their strength; they shall mount up on wings as eagles; they shall run, and not be weary; they shall walk, and not faint." And he asked us, what was the meaning of the prophet in the order of this statement? Was it merely an anticlimax, or was there some great and profound thought beneath it all? And he pointed out that it is not so difficult for the nation or the government to have a great spiritual uplift under a great inspiration and to maintain it while that inspiration lasts; but there is something greater and more difficult still in maintaining that high purpose when the inspiration has passed away and when the ordinary round and routine of everyday life have come. It may be easier to mount on wings as eagles than to walk and not faint. And so I pray that the great influence which I believe has permeated all the nations of our British Commonwealth may be maintained in the future. I pray that after this war is over and material considerations have again to be taken into account, strength may be given to you in this Homeland and to us in the oversea Dominions that we may walk and not faint.

LOUIS DEMBITZ BRANDEIS

TRUE AMERICANISM

An oration delivered before the City Government and citizens of Boston in Faneuil Hall, on the 139th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence of these United States, July 5, 1915. The first Fourth of July oration in Faneuil Hall was delivered in 1783 by John Warren; before this, March 5, the date of the Boston Massacre, had been similarly celebrated since 1771. Among the orators in the unbroken list from 1771 to the present time have been, Joseph Warren, killed at Bunker Hill, John Quincy Adams, Edward T. Channing, Horace Mann, Charles Sumner, Edward Everett, Oliver Wendell Holmes, John D. Long, Edward Everett Hale, and Charles W. Eliot. Mr. Brandeis, born at Louisville, Kentucky, 1856, was appointed justice of the U. S. Supreme Court in 1916. Another speech by Mr. Justice Brandeis is printed in Volume IV.

LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:-E pluribus unum-out of many, one-was the motto adopted by the founders of the Republic when they formed a union of the thirteen states. To these we have added, from time to time, thirty-five more. The founders were convinced, as we are, that a strong nation could be built through federation. They were also convinced, as we are, that in America, under a free government, many peoples would make one nation. Throughout all these years we have admitted to our country and to citizenship immigrants from the diverse lands of Europe. We had faith that thereby we would best serve ourselves and mankind. This faith has been justified. The United States has grown great. The immigrants and their immediate descendants have proved themselves as loyal as any citizens of the country. Liberty has knit us closely together as Americans. Note the common devotion to our country's emblem expressed at the recent Flag Day cele

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