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consuls at present in the service, except those who hold minor consular agencies and whose compensation is not more than $1,000. This latter class is made up to a large extent of foreign merchants in small towns, and the compensation is received from fees collected. The present officials are to be recalled to Washington and examined; and hereafter new consuls, after examination, are to be admitted to the sixth grade and thence advanced to the higher grades of the service.

This practice of examining civil servants is of comparatively recent growth, but it has already demonstrated its usefulness. It is, no doubt, an unpleasant ordeal. The idea of any kind of civil service examination was at first very shocking to those who had been brought up under the old order of things. It made such an impression on the first Lord Ellesmere that a few days before his death he said that he was not sorry to go, for the world was clearly becoming very disagreeable — everybody was going to examine everybody, and he was sure he should be plucked. Nevertheless, governments have now come to realize that examinations are useful, and that the civil service should be managed in accordance with the rational ideas which prevail in the management of other affairs of practical life. To have an efficient consular service there must be care in selection, permanent tenure of office during good behavior, and the hope of promotion or reward for work well done.

The need of well-trained officials increases every day, for the business of life is every day becoming more and more complicated as population increases and as increasing facilities of communication bring men into nearer relations and closer competition with their fellow-men the world over. In their own affairs, merchants select the best men as their agents, employ the most skilful labor available, and provide their mills with the latest improvements in machinery. All this is necessary for successful competition with their rivals. As it is with individuals so it is with those collections of individuals known as nations. Competition between nations in the markets of the world is growing keener every year, and that country will succeed best which provides itself with the best officials to guard its commercial interests and to assist in the development of its trade.

It would be reasonable to suppose that in the branch of our Government which deals specially with foreign trade the sensible ideas and methods of commerce would prevail and that it would be managed on business principles. This is not the case, however. By some strange irony of fate, or of politicians, the other departments of the Government are placed under civil service rules, while the consular service, which is one of those

most directly connected with commerce, is left a prey to the spoilsman this, too, at a time when the other great nations are doing all in their power to extend their foreign trade by means of efficient consuls and even by the addition of commercial attachés to their embassies.

Half a century ago we could, perhaps, afford to make the consular service an asylum for all those who were in any way afflicted or distressed in mind, body, or estate; and we did it as every other Government did at that time. Thackeray tells of an American consul-general whom he met at Jerusalem, and who had accepted the office in order that he and his favorite dove might be in the Holy City at the Second Advent, which he expected to occur within three years. Perhaps such appointments did but little harm then. The competition for foreign markets was not so strenuous, and other Governments were almost as badly served. Since that time nearly every nation has reorganized its consular service to meet the requirements of commerce. vice has been improved since the day of the Syrian consul-general and his dove, but in some cases consuls are still selected for strange reasons which have nothing to do with the development of trade. I think, however, it may safely be said that no American consul now goes to his post with the expectation of remaining until the Second Advent. On the contrary, everyone has a very well-defined idea that his term of office will be four years. If by reason of the strength of his party it be eight years, yet he is soon cut off and flies away.

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There will be an incentive

This is the greatest defect of our consular system. The service would be benefited more by some guarantee of promotion and of permanent tenure than by all the examinations that have ever been invented. When this reform has been brought about, the service will afford a career, and men of talent will be attracted to it. Consuls will feel that faithfulness and diligence will have their reward. to do good work and to press forward to the prizes of the profession. Every year of service will add to their experience and efficiency, and this training will not be lost or cast as rubbish to the void at the end of four years. As Mr. Schuyler sums it up: "The experience of other countries shows us that the strongest incentives to good official work are a tenure of office permanent during good behavior and a hope of promotion and reward." This is exemplified in the British service. The salaries in that service are not large, but it offers a permanent position and a chance of promotion, with a small pension on retirement; and men of a good class are attracted to it.

The Lodge Bill is excellent as far as it goes. It provides for per

manency of tenure, for transfers from one post to another, and for promotion. It ought to go a step farther and provide a pension for those who have served faithfully, and who are compelled to retire on account of age, or of infirmities which have been acquired, perhaps, by serving the country in unhealthy climates. This would not be a very heavy charge on the Government. The pension list of the British service calls for no more than about $250,000 a year. It is only by adopting some measure like the Lodge Bill that we shall be able to form a consular corps capable of assisting in the development of our commerce or commensurate with our importance and dignity.

A consul has many and varied duties. He is the Ambassador of Trade. He is the guardian of his country's commercial interests. He is a pioneer in the opening of new markets. But he is also charged with many other functions. He has jurisdiction in disputes between masters and seamen; he takes over the effects of his countrymen who die in foreign lands; he exercises supervision in cases of wreck; he is sometimes called upon to discharge duties which are diplomatic in their nature; and in the East he acts as judge over his fellow-countrymen both in civil and in criminal cases.

In the early days of consulates the consul was the governor of the little community formed by his countrymen in a foreign city. He was a sort of regent or chief magistrate appointed to act by the home authorities. At first his title was usually "viscount; " but, by the wave of republicanism which passed over Italy about the end of the ninth century, it became changed to "consul," or sometimes "viscount and consul." Time has robbed the office of many of its dignities, but there are enough of its functions left to make it an important post and one in which much skill and ability are needed.

Talleyrand spoke from much experience when he said: "After having been a skilful minister how many things one has to know besides to be a good consul, for the duties of a consul are infinitely varied. They demand a mass of practical knowledge for which a special education is necessary." It is not enough for a consul that, as Mrs. Malaprop recommends, he should study "geometry" so as to know something of the "contagious countries." He should also be clever, well trained, courteous, and dignified. Such men are not to be caught in quantities by our present system; and it is hoped that Congress will adopt the more rational method which other great powers have had in use for half a century, and which by its fruit has given proof of its utility.

JAMES GUSTAVUS WHITELEY.

THE PRIMARY ELECTION MOVEMENT.

THE primary and most important function of a popular government is the choosing of law-makers and of persons to execute the laws; that is, to administer the government under the laws. In primitive democracies this function was performed by direct oral vote of the assembled electors. In the evolution of government these methods have been superseded by the secret ballot and delegated or representative lawmaking bodies. The representative system was invented and established by the English people, and it has attained its highest, that is its most democratic, development in England, though it has been adopted by all existing governments of a popular nature. Those governments whose laws are made by representatives chosen by the people are regarded as of the highest type.

On

The Australian ballot system affords the best method yet devised for voting at popular elections. This method has been adopted by the most progressive governments of the world, and during the last twelve years in modified forms by all the States of our Union but two. the original reform ballot as used in Australia the names of candidates are printed in alphabetical order without any party designation whatever; nominations being made by petition without the intervention of caucus or convention. In this country, however, the party habit and method are so general and deeply confirmed that they are built into our whole political structure, both local and general, "from turret to foundation stone." But I believe that candid, intelligent men are coming to deprecate the fact that the choice of local officers of city and county, if not State also is made by the party method. The very common control of local political machinery by lately developed corporate and other private commercial influences has demolished the pretty theory that the emulation of parties would assure the choice of good men for local offices.

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It is interesting to notice that while the two States which have refused to adopt the Australian ballot reform, namely, South Carolina and Texas, are of the South, the only four States which adopted the

Australian system in its original, non-partisan form, namely, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, and Virginia, are also of the South. In these States names of candidates are printed upon the ballots without any party designation, according to the Australian method; but in Alabama, Florida, and Mississippi the American method of nominating the candidates by partisan caucuses, conventions, and primaries is followed. In Virginia we have the anomaly of the Australian method pure and simple. The Australian ballot as a reform of the method of voting has given general satisfaction. The nominating system by caucuses and conventions on the other hand, causes general dissatisfaction; and the advanced primary election, by secret ballot, is in effect a recurrence to the original or genuine Australian ballot, which is ostensibly non-partisan.

Popular distrust of representative political bodies has been strikingly manifested during recent years in the later State Constitutions and in the reform primary laws which provide for the nomination of candidates for office by direct vote of the people. These late State Constitutions are twice the length of the earlier ones; those of Montana and Washington, for example, containing respectively about 30,000 and 28,500 words. The Constitutions of Idaho, North Dakota, South Dakota, and Wyoming are all distinguished in the same way. The extraordinary additions to these Constitutions consist of provisions which are not fundamental in character, but are mere ordinary laws and prohibitions against the enactment of certain specified laws. The enormous volume of the fundamental charter of North Dakota is surcharged with these common statutory enactments. It specifically locates the public institutions of the State, thirteen in number. In a lengthy section it prohibits the governor under severe prescribed penalties from using his official promise or influence to affect legislation and from menacing members with threats of the veto power. It contains an enactment against trusts and combinations; prohibits child labor; prohibits corporations from mutually exchanging "black lists"; prohibits counties and municipalities from giving bonuses or other donations to corporations or individuals; strictly limits the indebtedness which may be incurred by counties and municipalities; and provides that "the public schools shall instruct in those branches of knowledge which tend to impress upon the mind the vital importance of truthfulness, temperance, purity, public spirit, and respect for honest labor of every kind!" Small need, indeed, to seek sermons in stones while we have these modern State Constitutions, writ large, upon our shelves. The revised Constitution of California is also surcharged with special legislation.

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