UNIFORM WITH CASSELL'S ILLUSTRATED BUNYAN, SHAKESPEARE, ROBINSON CRUSOE, GOLDSMITH, &c. In Weekly Numbers, price One Penny, and in Monthly Parts, price 5d. and 6d., PRINTED ON FINE TONED PAPER, CASSELL'S ILLUSTRATED GULLIVER'S TRAVELS With an INTRODUCTION and ANNOTATIONS, and a LIFE OF SWIFT, BY J. F. WALLER, LL.D., M.R.I.A. MESSRS. CASSELL, PETTER, & GALPIN, humour, the strokes of a fierce and trenchant wit, 66 in continuing their Illustrated Series of the English Classics, feel that, in such an issue, the marvellous production of JONATHAN SWIFT, the witty Dean of St. Patrick's," should find a place. With this view they have determined on publishing an Illustrated Edition of "GULLIVER'S TRAVELS;" and they have the pleasure to announce that they have secured the co-operation of Dr. J. F. WALLER to supply Annotations and a Life of SWIFT to this Publication. It may with safety be affirmed, that in no age and in no country has a more extraordinary production issued from the press than these "Travels into Several Remote Regions of the World, by LEMUEL GULLIVER." "A production," as Johnson remarked, "so new and strange, that it filled the reader with a mingled emotion of merriment and amazement. It was read by the high and low, the learned and the illiterate." It presented attractions to every class; it had charms for every age. The avidity with which the "Travels" were received nearly a century and a half ago has not diminished; time has not impaired their popularity. Those who peruse the book merely as a work of fiction are captivated by the strange conceptions which present to their fancy, by turns, a nation of pigmies and of giants-of extraordinary philosophers and of rational quadrupeds each with their varied modes of thought and action, their peculiar habits of government; and all this told with such life-like force and such vehement earnestness as to make the fiction assume the character of a reality, and cause the reader to be lost in admiration at the record of such marvellous adventures. the savage denunciation of political sins. Of a man who could produce such a work as "Gulliver's Travels," the remark of Lord Macaulay is surely no exaggeration when he observes, that SWIFT possessed "a genius destined to shake great kingdoms, to stir the laughter and the rage of millions, and to leave to posterity memorials which can perish only with the English language." Although "Gulliver's Travels" has long since taken its permanent place as a great standard book, the Publishers hope to place it now within the reach of every one, in such a form as it has never yet been produced. The child and the artisan, content to take the narrative in its obvious sense, will find it interesting as a fairy tale or romance; while the profusion of Illustrations which will adorn every number, will add greater vividness to the wonderful adventures and the strange history of Gulliver. In addition to this, however, for those who care to dive deeper into this volume, Annotations will be provided, explaining the hidden allusions to persons and to things; bringing out its deeper meaning; exhibiting its bearing-socially, politically, morally. Thus, while this edition of "Gulliver's Travels " will be emphatically the People's Edition, in virtue of the beauty of its Illustrations and the cheapness of its price, it will be rendered a work of value to the historical student, by reason of the insight which a careful Annotation and Memoir of its witty and strangely romantic Author will give them into the right understanding of his imperishable masterpiece. In order to render this edition acceptable to every household, all objectionable words and phrases, which the licence of a less refined age permitted, But there are others who, beneath the gay surface will be so modified as not to interfere with the of the narrative, can discover, by the light of con- thread of the story; and Messrs. CAssell, Petter, temporaneous history, an under-current of the keenest and GALPIN, therefore, venture to hope that, howwit, and, to them, this gives the volume a tenfold ever long the legacy of such an English Classic has interest. They see in it a great moral and political been withheld from the great mass of the people, romance, wrought out by one of the most original the issue of "Cassell's Illustrated Gulliver" will intellects, as well as one of the most forcible geniuses make it a household book, even as its name has been of his age. They discover the points of a fine so long a household word. The Specimen Illustration on the other side will show the spirit in which the Artist will treat this Work. The scene will be recognised as that in which the Lilliputian hosts are crowding upon the prostrate body of the astonished Gulliver. LONDON: CASSELL, PETTER, & GALPIN, LA BELLE SAUVAGE YARD, E.C. Specimen Illustration for "Cassell's Illustrated Gulliver's Travels." GULLIVER BOUND BY THE LILLIPUTIANS. take up a great deal of your time, by observing upon the evidence which has been given. In truth, if this were an ordinary case, and if the object of this prosecution did not include some more momentous interests than the mere question of the guilt or innocence of the unfortu nate gentleman who stands a prisoner at the bar, I should have followed the example of his counsel, and should have declined making any observation upon the evidence. But, gentlemen, I do feel this to be a case of infinite importance indeed. It is a case important, like all others of this kind, by involving the life of a fellow-subject; but it is doubly-and tenfold important, because from the evidence which has been given in the progress of it, the system of this conspiracy against the laws and constitution of the country has been developed in all its branches; and in observing upon the conduct of the prisoner at the bar, and in bringing home the evidence of his guilt, I am bringing home guilt to a person who, I say, is the centre, the life-blood and soul of this atrocious conspiracy. We Gentlemen, what was the part which the prisoner took in that night of horror I will not attempt to insinuate to you. I hope and trust in God, for the sake of himself, his fame, his eternal welfare, that he was incapable of being a party to the barbarities which were committed-I do not mean to insinuate that he was-but that he headed this troop, and was present while some shots were fired, has been proved by uncontroverted testimony. At what time he quitted them-whether from prudence, despair, or disgust, he retired from their bands, is not proved by evidence upon the table; but from the moment of the discomfiture of his project, we find him again concealed. trace him with the badges of rebellion glittering upon his person, attended by the two other consuls, Quigley, the bricklayer, and Dowdall, the clerk-whether for concealment or to stimulate the wretched peasantry to other acts of insurrection, you will determine; we first trace him to Doyle's and then to Bagnall's; one identifies him, the other, from her fears, is incapable of doing so. But the same party, in the same uniforms, go to her house, until the apprehension of detection drove them from her. When he could no longer find shelter in the mountains, nor stir up the inhabitants of them, he again retires to his former obscure lodging, the name of Ellis is abandoned, the regimental coat is abandoned, and again he assumes the name of Hewitt. What is his conduct in this concealment? He betrays his apprehensions of being taken up by government. For what? Has any explanation been given to show what it could be, unless for rebellious practices ? There he plans a mode of escape, refusing to NO. XI. put his name upon the door. You find him taken a reluctant prisoner, twice attempting to escape, and only brought within the reach of the law by force and violence. What do you find then? Has he been affecting to disguise his object, or that his plan was less dignified than his motive-that of treason? No such thing. He tells young Palmer that he was in Thomas Street that night-he confesses the treason-he boasts of his uniform, part of which was upon his person when he was taken. He acknowledges all this to the young man in the house a witness, permit me to remark, not carried away by any excess of over-zeal to say anything to the injury of the prisoner, and therefore to his testimony, so far as it affects the prisoner, you may, with a safe conscience, afford a reasonable degree of credit. Under what circumstances is he taken? In the room in which he was-upon a chair near the door is found an address to the government of the country; and in the very first paragraph of that address, the composer of it acknowledges himself to be at the head of a conspiracy for the overthrow of the government, which he addresses, telling them, in diplomatic language, what conduct the undersigned will be compelled to adopt, if they shall presume to execute the law. He is the leader, whose nod is a fiat, and he warns them of the consequences! Gentlemen of the jury, you will decide whether the prisoner at the bar or Mrs. Palmer was the person who denounced those terms, and this vengeance against the government. What is found upon him? A letter written by a brother conspirator consulting him upon the present posture of the rebellion, their future prospects, and the probability of French assistance, and also the probable effects of that assistance, if it should arrive. What farther is found at the depôt ? — and everything found there, whether coming out of the desk which he appears to have used and resorted to, or in any other part of the place which he commanded, is evidence against him. You find a treatise upon the art of war, framed for the purpose of drilling the party who were employed to effect this rebellion; but of war they have proved that they are incapable of knowing anything but its ferocities and its crimes; you find two proclamations, detailing systematically and precisely the views and objects of this conspiracy; and you find a manuscript copy of one of them, with interlineations, and other marks of its being an original draft. It will be for you to consider who was the framer of it -the man who presided in the depôt, and regulated all the proceedings there; or whether it was framed by Dowdall, the clerk, by Quigley, the bricklayer, or by Stafford, the baker, or any of the illiterate victims of the ambition of this young man who have been convicted in this G court, or whether it did not flow from his pen, and was dictated by his heart. Gentlemen, with regard to this mass of accumulated evidence, forming irrefragable proof of the guilt of the prisoner, I conceive no man capable of putting together two ideas can have a doubt. Why then do I address you, or why should I trespass any longer upon your time and your attention? Because, as I have already mentioned, I feel this to be a case of great public expectation of the very last national importance; and because, when I am prosecuting a man, in whose veins the very life-blood of this conspiracy flowed, I expose to the public eye the utter meanness and insufficiency of its resources. What does it avow itself to be? A plan, not to correct the excesses or reform the abuses of the government of the country; not to remove any specks of imperfection which might have grown upon the surface of the constitution, or to restrain the overgrown power of the crown; or to restore any privilege of parliament; or to throw any new security around the liberty of the subject. No; but it plainly and boldly avows itself to be a plan to separate Great Britain from Ireland, uproot the monarchy, and establish" free and independent republic in Ireland," in its place! To sever the connection between Great Britain and Ireland! Gentlemen, I should feel it a waste of words and of public time, were I addressing you or any person within the limits of my voice, to talk of the frantic desperation of the plan of any man who speculates upon the dissolution of that empire, whose glory and whose happiness depend upon its indissoluble connection. But were it practicable to sever that connection, to untie the links which bind us to the British constitution, and to turn us adrift upon the turbulent ocean of revolution, who could answer for the existence of this country, as an independent power, for a year? God and nature have made the two countries essential to each other-let them cling to each other to the end of time, and their united affection and loyalty will be proof against the machinations of the world. a But how was this to be done? By establishing "a free and independent republic!" High-sounding name! I would ask, whether the man who used it understood what he meant? I will not ask what may be its benefits, for I know its evils. There is no magic in the name. We have heard of "free and independent republics," and have since seen the most abject slavery that ever groaned under iron despotism growing out of them. Formerly, gentlemen of the jury, we have seen revolutions effected by some great call of the people, ripe for change and unfitted by their habits for ancient forms; but here from the obscurity of concealment and by the voice of that pigmy authority, self-created and fearing to show itself, but in arms under cover of the night, we are called upon to surrender a constitution which has lasted for a period of one thousand years. Had any body of the people come forward, stating any grievance or announcing their demand for a change? No; but while the country is peaceful, enjoying the blessings of the constitution, growing rich and happy under it, a few desperate, obscure, contemptible adventurers in the trade of revolution form a scheme against the constituted authorities of the land, and by force and violence to overthrow an ancient and venerable constitution, and to plunge a whole people into the horrors of civil war! If the wisest head that ever lived had framed the wisest system of laws which human ingenuity could devise-if he were satisfied that the system were exactly fitted to the disposition of the people for whom he intended it, and that a great proportion of that people were anxious for its adoption-yet give me leave to say, that under all these circumstances of fitness and disposition, a well-judging mind and a humane heart would pause awhile and stop upon the brink of his purpose, before he would hazard the peace of the country, by resorting to force for the establishment of his system; but here, in the frenzy of a distempered ambition, the author of this proclamation conceives the project of "a free and independent republic;" he at once flings it down, and he tells every man in the community, rich or poor, loyal or disloyal, he must adopt it at the peril of being considered an enemy to the country, and of suffering the pains and penalties attendant thereupon. And how was this revolution to be effected? The proclamation conveys an insinuation that it was to be effected by their own force, entirely independent of foreign assistance. Why? Because it was well known that there remained in this country few so depraved, so lost to the welfare of their native land, who would not shudder at forming an alliance with France; and therefore the people of Ireland are told, "the effort is to be entirely your own, independent of foreign aid." But how does this tally with the time when the scheme was first hatched the very period of the commencement of the war with France ? How does this tally with the fact of consulting in the depôt about co-operating with the French, which has been proved in evidence? But, gentlemen, out of the proclamation I convict him of duplicity. He tells the government of the country not to resist their mandate, or think that they can effectually suppress rebellion, by putting down the present attempt, but that "they will have to crush a greater exertion, rendered still greater by foreign assistance; so that upon |