a Veto. This prerogative (which they hold as their bit in the mouth of the national assembly for the time being) without the direct assistance of their club, it was impossible for the king to shew even the desire of exerting with the smallest effect, or even with safety to his person. However, by playing through this Veto, the assembly against the king, and the king against the assembly, they have made themselves masters of both. In this situation, having destroyed the old government by their sedition, they would preserve as much of order as is necessary for the support of their own usurpation. bassador. It is believed that this, by far the worst party of French amthe miscreants of France, has received direct encouragement from the counsellors who betray the emperour. Thus strengthened by the possession of the captive king (now captive in his mind as well as in body) and by a good hope of the emperour, they intend to send their ministers to every court in Europe; having sent before them such a denunciation of terrour and superiority to every nation without exception, as has no example in the diplomatick world. Hitherto the ministers to foreign courts had been of the appointment of the sovereign of France previous to the revolution; and either from inclination, duty or decorum, most of them were contented with a merely passive obedience to the new power. At present, the king being entirely Connexion of clubs. entirely in the hands of his jailors, and his mind broken to his situation, can send none but the enthusiasts of the system-men framed by the secret committee of the Feuillans, who meet in the house of Madame de Stahl, M. Necker's daughter. Such is every man whom they have talked of sending hither. These ministers will be so many spies and incendiaries; so many active emissaries of demo. cracy. Their houses will become places of rendezvous here, as every where else, and centers of cabal for whatever is mischievous and malignant in this country, particularly among those of rank and fashion. As the minister of the national assembly will be admitted at this court, at least with his usual rank, and as entertainments will be naturally given and received by the king's own ministers, any attempt to discountenance the resort of other peo ple to that minister would be ineffectual, and indeed absurd, and full of contradiction. The women who come with these ambassadors will assist in fomenting factions amongst ours, which cannot fail of extending the evil. Some of them I hear are already arrived. There is no doubt they will do as much mischief as they can. Whilst the publiek ministers are received under the general law of the communication between nations, the correspondences between the factious clubs in France and ours, will be, as they now are, kept up but this pretended embassy will be a closer, closer, more steady and more effectual link between the partisans of the new system on both sides of the water. I do not mean that these Anglo-Gallick clubs in London, Manchester, &c. are not dangerous in a high degree. The appointment of festive anniversaries has ever in the sense of mankind been held the best method of keeping alive the spirit of any institution. We have one settled in London; and at the last of them, that of the 14th of July, the strong discountenance of government, the unfavourable time of the year, and the then uncertainty of the disposi tion of foreign powers, did not hinder the meeting of at least nine hundred people, with good coats on their backs, who could afford to pay half a guinea a head to shew their zeal for the new principles. They were with great difficulty, and all possible address, hindered from inviting the French ambassador. His real indisposition, besides the fear of offending any party, sent him out of town. But when our court shall have recognised a government in France, founded on the principles announced in Montmorin's letter, how can the French ambassador be frowned upon for an attendance on those meetings wherein the establishment of the government he represents is celebrated? An event happened a few days ago, which in many particulars was very ridiculous; yet even from the ridicule and absurdity of the proceed ings, it marks the more strongly the spirit of the French assembly. I mean the reception they have given to the Frith-Street alliance. This, though the delirium of a low, drunken alehouse club, they have publickly announced as a formal alliance with the people of England, as such ordered it to be presented to their king, and to be published in every province in France. This leads more directly and with much greater force than any proceeding with a regular and rational appearance, to two very material considerations. First, it shews that they are of opinion that the current opinions of the English have the greatest influence on the minds of the people in France, and indeed of all the people in Europe, since they catch with such astonishing eagerness at every the most trifling shew of such opinions in their favour. Next, and what appears to me to be full as important, it shews that they are willing publickly to countenance and even to adopt every factious conspiracy that can be formed in this nation, however low and base in itself, in order to excite in the most miserable wretches here, an idea of their own sovereign importance, and to encourage them to look up to France, whenever they may be matured into something of more force, for assistance in the subversion of their domestick government. This address of the alehouse club was actually proposed and accepted by the assembly as an alliance. The proce dure ་ dure was in my opinion a high misdemeanor in those who acted thus in England, if they were not so very low and so very base, that no acts of theirs can be called high, even as a description of criminality; and the assembly in accepting, proclaiming, and publishing this forged alliance, has been guilty of a plain aggression, which would justify our court in demanding a direct disavowal, if our policy should not lead us to wink at it. Whilst I look over this paper to have it copied, I see a manifesto of the assembly, as a preliminary to a declaration of war against the German princes on the Rhine. This manifesto contains the whole substance of the French politicks with regard to foreign states. They have ordered it to be circulated amongst the people in every country of Europe-even previously to its acceptance by the king and his new privy council, the club of the Feuillans. Therefore, as a summary of their policy avowed by themselves, let us consider some of the circumstances attending that piece, as well as the spirit and temper of the piece itself. against the It was preceded by a speech from Brissot, full of Declaration unexampled insolence towards all the sovereign Emperour. states of Germany, if not of Europe. The assembly, to express their satisfaction in the sentiments which it contained, ordered it to be printed. This Brissot had been in the lowest and basest employ under the deposed monarchy: a sort of thief taker, |