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they think he cannot compass this end, dis certainly he cannot, without elevating the lower. By depressing the one and by raising the other, they hope in the first place to increase his treasures and his army; and with these common instruments of royal power they flatter him that the democracy which they help, in his name, to create, will give him but little trouble... In: defiance of the freshest experience, which might shew him that old impossibilities are become modern probabilities, and that the extent to which evil principles may go, when left to their own operation, is beyond the power of calculation, they will endeavour to persuade him that such a democracy is a thing which cannot subsist by itself; that in whosevel hands the military command is placed, he must be in the necessary course of affairs, sooner or later the master ; and that being the master of various unconnected countries, he may keep them all in order by employing a military force, which to each of them is foreign. This maxim too, however formerly plausible, will not now hold water. This scheme is full of intricacy, and may cause him every where to lose the hearts of his people. These counsellors forget that a corrupted army was the very cause of the ruin of his brother-inlaw; and that he is himself far from secure from a similar corruption.


... Instead of reconciling himself heartily, and boná Brabant. fide according to the most obvious rules of policy to the states of Brabant, as they are constituted, and who in the present state of things stand on the same foundation with the monarchy itself, and who might have been gained with the greatest facility, they have advised him to the most unkingly proceeding which, either in a good or in a.: bad light, has ever been attempted. Under a pretext taken from the spirit of the lowest chicane, they have counselled him wholly to break the publiek faith, to annul the amnesty, as well as the other conditions through which he obtained an entrance into the provinces of the Netherlands, under the guarantee of Great Britain and Prussia. He is made to declare his adherence to the indeinnity in a criminal sense, but he is to keep alive in his own name, and to encourage

in others a civil process in the nature of an action of damages for what has been suffered during the troubles. Whilst he keeps up this hopeful law-suit in view of the damages he may recover against individuals, he loses the hearts of a whole people, and the vast subsidies which his ancestors had been used to receive from them..

This design once admitted, unriddles the mystery. Emperour's of the whole couduct of the emperour's ministers with regard with regard to France. As soon as they saw the life of the king and queen of France no longer as


to France.


they thought in danger, they entirely changed their
plan with regard to the French nation. I believe
that the chiefs of the revolution (those who
the constituting assembly) have contrived as far as
they can do it, to give the emperour satisfaction on
this head. He keeps a continual tone and postürë
of menace to secure this his only point. But it
must be observed, that he all along grounds his
departure from the engagement at Pilnitz to the
princes, on the will and actions of the king and the
majority of the people, without any regard to the
natural and constitutional orders of the state, or
to the opinions of the whole house of Bourbon.
Though it is manifestly under the constraint of
imprisonment and the fear of death, that this time
happy man has been guilty of all those humilities
which have astonished mankind, the advisers of
the emperour will consider nothing but the physical
person of Louis, which, even in his present de
graded and infamous state, they regard as of suf-
ficient authority to give a compleat sanctioá to the
persecution and utter ruin of all his family, and of
every person who has shewn any degree of attach-
ment or fidelity to him, or to his cause; ' as well
as competent to destroy the whole ancient consti-
tution and frame of the French monarchy.

The present policy therefore of the Austrian politicians, is to recover despotism through democracy; or at least, at any expence, every where to


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ruin the description of men who are every where
the objects of their settled and systematick
aversion, but more especially in the Netherlands.
Compare this with the emperour's refusing at first
all intercourse with the present powers in France,
with his endeavouring to excite all Europe
against them, and then his not only withdrawing
all assistance and all countenance from the fugi-
tives who had been drawn by his declarations from
their houses, situations, and military commissions,
many even from the means of their very existence,
but treating them with every species of insult and

Combining this unexampled conduct in the em-
perour's advisers, with the timidity (operating as
: perfidy) of the king of France, a fatal example is
held out to all subjects, tending to shew what little
support, or even countenance they are to expect
from those for whom their principle of fidelity
may induce them to risk life and fortune. The
emperour's advisers would not for the world rem
scind one of the acts of this or of the late French
assembly ; nor do they wish any thing better at
present for their master's brother of France, than
that he should really be, as he is nominally, at the
head of the system of persecution of religion and
good order, and of all descriptions of dignity, na
tural and instituted ; they only wish all this done
with a little more respect to the king's person, and


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Moderate party.

with more appearance of consideration for his new subordinate office ; in hopes that yielding hiinself for the present, to the persons who have effected these changes, he may be able to game for the rest hereafter. On no other principles than these, can the conduct of the court of Vienna be accounted for. The subordinate court of Brussels talks the language of a club of Feuillans and Jacobios.

In this state of general rottenness among subjects, and of delusion and false politicks in princes, comes a new experiment. The king of France is in the hands of the chiefs of the regicide faction, the Barnaves, Lamcths, Fayettes, Perigords, Duports, Robespierres, Camus's, &c. &c. &c. They who had imprisoned, suspended, and conditionally deposed him, are his confidential counsellors. The next desperate of the desperate rebels, call them. selves the moderate party. They are the chiefs of the first assembly, who are confederated to support their power during their suspension from the present, and to govern the existent body with as sovereign a sway as they had done the last. They have, for the greater part, succeeded ; and they have many advantages towards procuring their success in future. Just before the close of their regular power, they bestowed some appearance of prerogatives on the king, which in their first plans they had refused to him ; particularly the mischievous, and in his situation, dreadful - prerogative of

a Veto.

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