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mental points in which nature never changes but they are few and obvious, and belong rather to morals than to politicks. But so far as regards political matter, the human mind and hymaq affairs are susceptible of. infinite modifications! and of combinations wholly new and uplooked for. Very few, for instance, could have imagined: that property, which has been taken for natural dominion, should, through the whole of a yasy kingdom, lose all its importance and even its in, fluence. This is what history of books of specu: lation could hardly have taught us.
How many could have thought, that the most complete and formidable revolution in a great empire should Þe made by men of letters, not as subordinate inz struments and trumpeters of sedition, but as the chief contrivers and managers, and in a short ține as the open administrators and sovereign rulers ?-Who could have imagined that atheism could produce one of the most violently operative principles of fanaticism? Who could have ima. gined that, in a commonwealth în a manner cradled in war, and in an extensive and dreadful war, military commanders should be of little or po account?. That the convention should not contain one military man of name? That admi; pistrative bodies in a state of the utmost.confysion, and of but a momentary duration, and com: posed of men with not one imposing -part of
character, should be able to goverri the country and its armies, with an authority which the most settled senates, and the most respected monarchs scàrčely ever had in the same degree? This, for onc, I confess I did not foresee, though all the rest was present to me very early, and not out of my apprehension even for several years. .
I believe very few were able to enter into the effects of mere terrour, as a principle not only for the support of power in given hands or forms, but in those things in which the soundest political speculators were of opinion, that the least appearance of force would be totally destructive, -such is the market, whether of money, provision, or commodities of any kind.
Yet for four years We have seen loans made, treasuries supplied, and armięs levied and maintained, more numerous than : France ever shewed in the field, by the effects of fear alone.
Here is a state of things of which, in its totality, if history furnishes any examples at all, they are very remote and feeble.
I therefore am not $0 ready as some are, to tax with folly or cowardice, those who were not prepared to meet an evil of this nature. Even now, after the events, all the causes may be somewhat difficult to ascertain. Very many are however traceable. But these things history and books of speculation (as I have already sail) did not teach men to foresee,
and of course to resist. Now that they are no longer a matter of sagacity, but of experience, of; recent experience, of our own experience, it would be unjustifiable to go back to the records of other times, to instruct us to manage what they peyer enabled us to foresee.
[The Titles, marginal Abstracts and Notes, are by Mr. BURKE, excepting
sạch of the Nutes as are here distinguished.]
CASES OF INTERFERENCE WITH INDEPENDENT
BOOK II. CHAP. IV. § 53. F then there is any where a nation of a restless
and mischievous disposition, always ready to injure others, to traverse their designs, and to raise domestick troubles, it is not to be doubted, that all have a right to join in order to repress, chastise, and put it ever after out of its power to injure them. Such should be the just fruits of the policy which Machiavel praises in Cæsar Borgia. The conduct followed by Philip II. king of Spain, was adapted to unite all Europe against him ; and it was from juast reasons that Henry the Great formed the de
* This is the case of France~Semonyille at Turin-- Jacobin el zubs Liegois meeting-- Flemish meeting--La Fayette's answer-Cloot's embassy-Avignon,
sign of humbling a power, formidable by its forces, und pernicious by its marims.
$ 70. Let us apply to the unjust, what we have said above ($ 53), of a mischievous, or maleficent nation. If there be any that makes an open prófession of trampling justice under foot, of despising and violating the right of others*, whenever it finds an opportunity, the interest of human society.will authorise all others to unite, in order to humble and chastise it. We do not here forget the maxim estar blished in our preliminaries, that it does not belong to nations to usurp the power of being judges of each other. In particular cases, liable to the least doubt, it ought not to be supposed, that each of the parties may have some right: and the injustice of that which has committed the injury, -nay proceed: from errour, and not from a general contempt justice. But if, by constant marins, and by ascolt tinued conduct, one nation sbęwsy, thạt it has emit dently, this pernicious disposition, and that it con șiders no right as sacred, the safety of the human race requires that it should be suppressed. To form and support an unjust pretension is to do ao injury not only to him who is interested in this pretension, but to mocla at justice in general, and, to: injure all nations,
$ 56, If the princez. attacking the fundamental laws, gives his subjects a legal right to resist him
* The French acknowledge no power nut directly, emanating from the people,