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confidered it in the fame light, and opposed the measure of an union on the fame grounds that had been taken by the members on his fide of the house, made a diftinction that tended more directly to a refutation of one of the moft effential pofitions of the minifters than any that had been made by any of the other fpeakers, who had preceded him in the debates on the prefent fubject. Mr. Pitt had affirmed, that there could not have been a final fettle ment or adjustment in 1782, because it was even expreffed, that fomething was left to be done. But, faid Mr. Grey," he knows well enough, and he ought to have the candour to acknowledge, that there may be a final adjuftment of one thing, and another left to be fettled, and which indeed was the cafe. The final adjustment, in 1782, referred to the political independence of the Irish legislature: but the point to be fettled was one that rélated to trade." Mr. Pitt, in order to fhew the inconveniency of two independent parliaments, had quoted the cafe of the regency. But what, Mr. Grey afked, was the cafe of the regency? The parliament of Ireland vefted, in the heir apparent, the full power of a regent, without any restriction. The parliament of this country voted the fame perfon, but with certain limitations and restrictions. But, were the fituations of the two countries alike? By no means. In this country there is a vaft deal of power and influence accompanying fovereignty, independent of that which is properly called government in Ireland there is none. When, therefore, the Irish parliament voted a regent, they had nothing but the power of government to give. The

cafe was otherwife in this country, and, therefore, the one having given the whole without restraint, and the other reftraining, did not, in reality, differ, as might have been thought, on the first view of the matter.

Mr. fecretary Dundas obferved, that the laft honourable speaker had dwelt with much minuteness on the difcuffions of 1782, and on the commercial and political fituation in which Ireland was then placed, and had fince, in confequence of those difcuffions, continued. But grants made to Ireland at that period had nothing to do with the question now before the house. The prefent propofition did not contain any fuggeftion derogatory to the acknowledged independency of the parliament of Ireland. It was a propofition for the incorporation of the two legiflatures into one, without infringing the liberty or independence of either. To put an end to all cavil, he was ready to admit, that, by the transactions of 1782, the Irish parliament was placed on the fame footing of independence, in relation to Great Britain, as Scotland was, with regard to England, before the union of the two kingdoms. As to the propofition itself, he undertook to prove, by a referrence to the affairs of Scotland, at and after the union, that a fimilar measure would be attended with fimilar benefits to Ireland. affumed it as a fact, that there exifted in Ireland, at this time, a fpirit of diffention and clamour, of treachery and treafon, which menaced the overthrow of the prefent government. Confpiracies were fo widely extended, their influence was fo deeply infufed into the minds of the people of Ireland, and the connection between the

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two countries thereby fo much endangered, that without the immediate and active interference of government, the refult might have been a total feparation of Ireland from this kingdom. It was the duty of his majefty's minifters, viewing Ireland in this perilous fituation, to extricate her from the intrigues of the common enemy, by preferving and improving the connection which had fo long and fo happily fubfifted between that country and Great Britain." A more appropriate remedy for the difeafe, which poiloned the peace and happinefs of Ireland, could not be imagined, than the incorporating union of the legiflatures of the two kingdoms. The Proteftants would lay afide their jealoufies and diftruff, and the Catholics would be confident that their caufe would be can didly and impartially confidered by a united parliament: the great body of which would be relieved from apprehenfions, jealoufies, and inveterate animofities, interwoven into the frame and conftitution of the feparate parliament of Ireland. An incorporated parliament, partly Englifh, partly Scotch, and partly Iri, would be better calculated for managing the affairs of the British empire, than feparate parliaments in England, Scotland, and Ireland. The powers of a parliament fo conftituted would be more extenfive and effectual than when acting feparately in different places. It fhould be recollected, that the Irish parliament, with all its boafted independency, could not give vigour or effect to its acts, till approved by the third eftate, whofe refidence was in England. The controuling power was properly vefted in the fovereign of this coun

try, who was alfo the sovereign of Scotland and Ireland; therefore the parliament of Ireland was not intirely independent. In fupport of this propofition, he referred to the authority of Mr. Grattan, the champion of Irish independence, who fays, The parliament of Ireland cannot act independently; for, in all cafes of peace or war, it muft implicitly follow the parliament of Great Britain." The par liament, conftituted by the union, had not deprived Scotland of any of the privileges enjoyed previously to its incorporation with England. The union had increased the privilege of the Scotch members: for, inftead of confining their deliberations to the affairs of Scotland, they were empowered to take part in difcuffions refpecting the affairs not only of England but of the whole British empire; and, fo far as related to the third eftate, had even an interference with the affairs of Ireland. The parliament of Ireland, incorporated on the fame principles, would have the fame privileges. It was a mif-ftatement of facts, to talk of destroying the parliament of Ireland; for an union would place the Irish members in the fame fituation as the members of the British parliament. He condemned the operations of perfonal vanity. He wished that gentlemen would direct their pride and honour to acts of laudable ambition. They would evince greater patriotifm, by a due attention to the interefts of both countries. If confiderations. of perfonal vanity and self-independence were to be allowed to operate on this fubject, let gentlemen recollect, that if their genius were ever fo accute, their eloquence ever fo fplendid, all thefe wonderful

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powers were confined to one little itland. Let the Irish parliament accept of a participation of all the rights of the British parliament, and they would find, that their eloquence would not be confined to England or any other country. They would be heard not only in Europe, but in Afia, Africa, and America. In confidering the prefent queftion, it was impoffible not to turn our eyes to the ftate of Scotland before and fince the union, and to contemplate the advantages which had refulted from it to that part of the united kingdom. Having exhibited statement of its augmented commerce and population fince that period, he oblerved, that the increafed improvements and the increase of trade, were not confined to any particular part of Scotland. They were experienced in every corner of it: and there was not now an inhabitant of any spot in all Scotland, who had not caufe to rejoice at that event.

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On that memorable occafion, many melancholy pictures were. prefented to the public view, in the fhape of prophecies. Among other falle prophecies, was a great part of that celebrated fpeech of lord Belhaven's, on which Mr. Dundas requested permiffion to make a few remarks. His lordflip, in a kind of prophetic, or rather poetic vifion, fancied many evils, the very reverfe of which had actually come to pafs: as Mr. Dundas fhewed by an appeal to facts. And, in oppofition to the prophecies of lord Belhaven, and other opponents of the union, he brought under the recollection of the houfe the following paffage in a letter from queen Anne to the Scottish parliament, recommending to them to take the

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articles of union, which had been agreed on at London, under their confideration. "The union has long been defired by both nations, and we fhall efteem it as the greatest glory of our reign to have it now perfected, being fully perfuaded, that it must prove the greatest happinefs of our people. An entire and perfect union will be the folid foundation of lafting peace. will fecure your religion, liberty, and property, remove your animofities among yourfelves, and the jealoufies and differences betwixt our two kingdoms. It muft increase your ftrength, riches, and trade, and, by this union, the whole ifland being joined in affection, and freed from all apprehentions of different interefts, will be enabled to refift all its enemies, fupport its interests every where, and maintain the liberties of Europe." From this remarkable paflage, faid Mr. Dune das, it was evident that her majesty was a true prophetefs: for not one fyllable of her predictions had failed. It had been aiked, Mr. Dundas proceeded, what right we had to impute all thofe advantages to the union, and why it was not to be fuppofed that Scotland, like other nations, would have advanced in profperity from the various caufes which had contributed to the modern wealth of other states? There were a multitude of anfwers that might be given to this question, founded on the local, fituation of Scotland, her internal policy, and her relation to other nations, which muft for ever have debarred that kingdom from participating in that profperity which had marked the proefs of other fiates in Europe. But, in place of confuming the time of the houfe by reafoning to which

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it might juftly be imputed that it was influenced by fubfequent events, he would give more fatisfaction by ufing the words as well as arguments of a cotemporary ftatefman, who was one of the commiffioners for treating with England for an union. Here he read over Mr. Seton, of Pitmedden's fpeech, on the first article of nnion being brought under the confideration of the Scottish parliament, in which he confidered the three different ways in which it had been propofed to retrieve the languishing condition of the Scottish nation: which were, that the Scots fhould continue under the fame fovereign with England, with limitations on his prerogative as king of Scotland; that the two kingdoms fhould be incorporated into one; or that they fhould be entirely feparated. Mr. Seton pointed out infeparable objections to the first and the third of thele modes. On the fubject of the laft, he concluded, from various confiderations, "that the Scottish nation, by an entire feparation from England, could not extend its trade fo as to raife its power in proportion to other trafficking nations in Europe; but, that thereby they might be in dan ger of returning to that gothic conftitution of government, wherein their forefathers were, which was frequently attended with frauds, murders, depredations, and rebellions." Thus, faid Mr. Dundas, fpoke Mr. Seton, of Pitmedden, at the time when he had no refources from which to draw his conclufions, but thofe of his own enlightened understanding, and the view he could take of the exifting ftate at the other nations of the world. But his reafoning was folid, and I fhould only weaken its effect, by laying

more on the particular points which he has fo ably treated. I fhall, however, add one fact, which, in my conception, proves beyond a doubt, that the rapid progrefs of profperity in Scotland fprung from the union. Where did the profperity of Scotland make its first appearance, and most early progress? In the western parts of the kingdom, owing clearly to the circumftance of thofe parts being locally the best fituated for taking the benefit of the colonial trade.

A question had been triumphantly afked, "why not give all those advantages to Ireland without an union?" without an incorporating union they would be of no avail: for the ftrength and refources of both countries must be confolida ted, in order to enable Ireland to reap the full advantage from fuch conceffions. It is from confidence in the ftrength of government alone that a communication of capital and other advantages can arise. In addition to this it might be observed, that the English government could not, confiftently, with the duty they owed to their British fellowfubjects, make fuch conceflions to Ireland under its prefent conftitution and feparate legiflature. Conceffions of fuch a nature could not be fafely granted until an imperial parliament poffeffed the control over the refources of the empire at large, and the power of applying them to imperial purpoles. Much, if not the chief ttress of the arguments, by those who oppofed the measure under confideration, had been laid on the oppofition which was made to it by the parliament of Ireland, But, Mr. Dundas, when circumftances. were attended to, could not refrain

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from ftating, that this view of the fubject was given in very erroneous colours. Two eftates of the legiflature of Ireland, the king and the lords, had pointedly expreffed their defire that the fubject should be entertained and confidered: and the contrary opinion had been carried only by a very narrow majority in the houfe of commons. Under fuch circumftances it was idle to talk of this as a folemn decifion of parliament. Sound reafon and good fenfe would ultimately prevail: and he could not help auguring well, to the ultimate fuccefs of the measure, when he contemplated the clamour and violence by which the confideration of it had been refifted. These were not the weapons by which truth and folid reafoning maintain their empire over the understandings and hearts of men.

When gentlemen pretended to think highly of the facrifices of Scotland to the union, compared with thofe of Ireland, they did not recollect that Ireland had not, for many centuries, been free, or independent of England; but that Scotland never was completely fubdued or under the control of England: that Scotland gave up what Ireland could not give up, an independent legiflature of king, lords, and commons; and that Scotland gave up, - what Ireland could not give up, an independent and feparate crown. The Scots undoubtedly furrendered those honours at the time with refuctance, and evinced the greatest hoftility to the union, until experience had made them acquainted with its bleffings. Mr. Dundas could not help noticing the vast un-popularity of the duke of Queenf berry and other commiffioners who favoured the union, while the zeal and activity of the duke of Hamil 7

ton, and lord Belhaven, were the theme of every tongue. The duke of Queensberry, the nobleman who took the most active part in carrying the union into effect, and was her majesty's commiffioner for the purpose, narrowly escaped, in feveral inftances, with his life. But the union foon became fo popular, that the pretender, having pledged himself to a repeal, of the act of union, excited fuch a fermentation against him, that he was obliged to expunge this promife from his' manifefto. This change of fentiment happened in the year 1715, eight years after the union. It ought to afford a falutary leffon to those falle patriots who chufe to rest their character and fame on the fhortlived clamours of the day and it ought alfo to afford a heart-felt confolation to thofe who have the magnanimity to difdain fuch mean and paltry arts, truffing that their real patriotifm, founded on a confideration of the real interefts of their country, will not fail ultimately to fecure them that folid and perma nent fame, which is alone worthy of poffeffing.

With regard to the final adjuftment of the year 1782, it was a mifapplication of terms to call it final. It was alfo to little purpose to the opinions, on that occafion, of Mr. Grattan, who was only the mouth-piece of the volunteers.The whole of the bufinefs was evidently done in a hurry, and could be confidered only as a temporary expedient to ferve the purposes of the moment. However that might be, the parliament of Ireland afterwards fucceeded in obtaining every thing it defired; and he was fo far from denying a particle of its independence, that he admitted it in its fullest extent, and even founded

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