he served, the allies he saved, the adversaries he encountered, in just recollection of benefits, or in generous oblivion of differences, all, not inconsiderately, but with discriminating reflection, have joined with an assent so unbroken, so universal, as I verily believe is not recorded in the history of human renown. And yet it is not his exploits merely, not his genius and his marvellous fortune, so apt to dazzle mankind, that we are called principally to mark. The example of his illustrious career is most to be studied for the constant abnegation of every selfish feeling which his whole life has displayed — the habitual sacrifice of all personal, all party considerations, to the single object of strict duty-of strict duty rigorously performed, in what station soever he might be called to act, so that his public virtue is even more to be revered, than his genius or his fortune to be admired. Heaven in its great mercy forbid that the time should come when we shall feel yet more sensibly than now we do, his irreparable loss. I agree entirely with the Noble Mover of the Address, that we have no right whatever to dispute the course which any foreign country may pursue in the management of its own affairs. We can have no possible title to complain of the institutions which other nations may adopt, or disparage the rulers whom they may choose to set over them. But also, the Noble Lord will allow me to add, we lie under no obligation to regard the words rather than the acts of any Government, be it our own, or another; and as when the people, here or elsewhere, are fondly and most rationally desirous of peace, a mighty security for that unspeakable blessing is afforded by free discussion prevailing among them, of all kinds, on all subjects-so, I am bound to admit, this security is impaired by suppressing all discussion, of every kind, on every subject. Such measures may be quite right, or they may be wholly wrong; they may be abso lutely necessary to prevent mischief, or they may be absolutely impotent to avert it, or they may be productive of worser mischiefs. With that we have no concern-it is not our affair-we have no right to interfere; God forbid we should. But we have no right even to object; we may only as bystanders, as spectators, deeply interested, however, lament that any course should be anywhere pursued which weakens our protection against the last of calamities, not to us alone, not to this country or to that, but to Europe, to the world, to humanity itself-the disturbance of the general repose. Our security against that disaster is impaired-still I hope and trust that such evil times will not come-enough that they may. And assuredly it is not only our unquestionable right, but our imperative duty, to make timely provision against them. And, may I be permitted to add, that, in discharging this duty, we shall render an appropriate tribute to him for whom we now mourn— the tribute himself would most have prized, if, adopting the opinion he deliberately formed, we follow the counsel he so earnestly gave, and do that which, of all men, he of all things, had nearest his heart,-promptly and effectually complete the defences of the country, not neglecting, but cherishing her ancient alliances, most available when they are neither forced nor purchased, but having their origin in a common interest, and to be maintained by constant good offices and scrupulous good faith-good faith between government and government, good offices between people and people.* Regni præsidia, amici, quos neque armis cogere, neque auro parave queas; officio et fide pariuntur.-Sal Jagur. INDEX. impolicy of religious disabilities, state of the magistracy, 342. abuses in every branch of adminis- case of Lord Norbury, 312. justice cannot be longer delayed penal laws must be abolished, 362. Lord Manners answered, 365. resolutions, 383. peroration of the reply, 385. exposes the intrigues of the the finality question, 414. the subject discussed, 417-421. their improper use of the Queen's Alexander of Russia, promoter of the Alexander of Russia, promoter of the household troops, why so called, 248. 2,400 Guards for France, 249. than in war of 1792, 250. undue favour shown to the guards 257. inconsistency of official arguments, navy being reduced, 260. BLACOW, PROSECUTION OF:- death of the Queen-extracts from aggravations of it, 212. defends his own consistency, 392. refuses the Vice-Presidency of the Burnet, Bishop, his account of Henry Canning, resists the Holy Alli- cost of guards compared with line, CAROLINE, QUEEN, speech in de- 261. their uselessness, 262. Canning's jealousy of the Alliance, proceedings of Allied Powers with atrocities of Catherine, 283. interference in violation of treaty, make war against freedom where- Bedchamber Question, the, 403. son of a landed gentleman; sat at BLACOW, PROSECUTION OF, 201. the Queen goes in procession to St. Queen's denial on oath, of matter fence of, 75. notices of, history of, 85 to 88, 95. notice of the prosecution, 80. servility of the aristocracy, 85. her death, 87. followed by Milan commission, 88. Lady Lindsay and other British Queen received by various sove- character of the witnesses, 96. improbability of the evidences, 97- absurdity of the charge, 101. agents procured, 103. drilling the witnesses, 104. perjury, collusion, 104-6. character of Italian testimony, 106. in Henry VIII. case, 107. |