city into the country, amid the green lanes of Hertfordshire, or the lovely Wealds of Kent, under the massive roof of St. Albans, or the ancient cloisters of St. Andrew; in the old minster of Rochester, where he has been received with affectionate veneration by bishop and by chapter, by clergy and by laity, along the beautiful road which leads thence to his own archiepiscopal cathedral, the scene of his consecration and his martyrdom, the place of his shrine-that road along which thousands of his admiring countrymen have crowded to hail him, their Father and their Defender, champion equally of Church and people; there are some of thy countrymen, illustrious saint,-aye, many in old England who yet honour and love thee; who love to muse on thy heroic image, which seems at times to "haunt us as a passion,' " who treasure in their memory the traits which fond affection has preserved of thee; who cherish the feelings of affectionate veneration which honoured thee; and who, amidst the temptations and perturbations of this mortal pilgrimage, cling with passionate eagerness to the faith of their forefathers, who for ages loved thee as the "blessed Thomas," and, imitating their simple piety, cry to thee with humble fervour," Sancte Thoma! ora pro nobis."

ART. V.-The Life, Times, and Cotemporaries of Lord Cloncurry. By WILLIAM JOHN FITZPATRICK, Member of the Royal Dublin Society. Dublin: James Duffy, 1855.

WE

E took up this book with the intention of skimming lightly over it in half an hour or so, but have been so fascinated that we have read it through from cover to cover with unflagging zest and interest. As a piece of biography, it is well deserving of the reputation it has already acquired. It is, however, something more than a mere biography, and to those who wish to acquire a little knowlege of Irish history for the last seventy years, it presents many attractions, as it supplies, in a pleasant read

able form, a summary of the leading events in our decline and fall during that period. The writer, without any extravagance of opinion, is rather of the liberal school in politics, and from the fact of his making his literary debut with the biography of such a man as Lord Cloncurry, we entertain hopes that he will become one of that class of politicians whom Ireland so much requires; who with Sidney Smith would shout, not "Erin go bragh," but "Erin get bread and butter-get shoes to your feet and clothes to your back, and a comfortable home to keep the wet and cold out:" and agree with him that the object of all government is," Roast mutton, port and claret, a free Church, a clear highway, an honest justice and a stout constable. These seem to have been the most prominent ideas in Cloncurry's philosophy, and the propagation of them cannot fail to be productive of good amongst our countrymen. At present, the biographer does not appear to have thoroughly appreciated the real cause of and true remedy for his country's afflictions.

The first Baron Cloncurry began life as the son of a rich Dublin trader, and succeeding to his father's fortune and business, and, imitating his industry and diligence, acquired great wealth, and purchased a peerage. Mr. Fitzpatrick goes to a needless amount of trouble to track the genealogy of this trader back to one of the Norman barbarians who came over here with Henry II., and obtained a grant of land near Dublin. We fancy that if Mr. Fitzpatrick had looked into Sharon Turner's essay on the transcendental merits of those worthies, he would scarcely have laboured so zealously at this grand genealogical tree, and would have been content to take up the history of the house of Lawless from "Pedre ac Nuc," the grandfather of the first peer, and who seems at least to have been an honest man, of whom no real nobleman need be ashamed. Mr. Fitzpatrick will forgive us for begging of him to study the Irish language before he writes another book in which Irish words are to be introduced. "Pedre ac Nuc," which he translates as "Peter of the Hills," was as Sanscrit to us, and so would be to any one for whom he did not translate it; and so is almost every other Irish' word introduced into the book. We entertain hopes that he will favour the public with many another volume on Irish affairs; and certainly there can be no more glaring defect than a total cockneyish perversion of Irish words by

an Irishman with an Irish name, writing with Irish feelings on Irish topics.

The Lord Cloncurry, with whose memoirs we have now to deal, was the son of the first baron, and was born in 1773. His father, a prudent man, who wished to keep his son from the perilous paths of Irish liberal politics towards the close of the last century, sent him over to London to study the law. But there the Hon. Mr. Lawless fell into the society of the most zealous rebels, and was committed for safe custody to the Tower. After some months' incarceration he was released, but soon afterwards again replaced in the same uncomfortable quarters, and notwithstanding all the influence of his father and friends, kept there for upwards of two years, without a particle of evidence against him, that would warrant committing his case to the determination of even a packed jury of purveyors to Dublin castle. This imprisonment had a serious effect upon his career. It broke the heart of a young lady to whom he was engaged, and led his father to bequeath £60,000 or £70,000 away from him for fear that he might be attainted and forfeit it. After his release and return to Ireland he very gallantly and nobly stood by the principles of his youth, always promoted the popular cause, and took an active part in every measure proposed for the amelioration of the social or political condition of the people down to the period of his death in 1853. At one time he vied in popularity with O'Connell himself, and was always before the public in connection with some popular movement or other; and it is said in this volume that if the young Irelanders had succeeded in 1848 in establishing a republic, he would have been the Dupont De L'Eure of the Irish national assembly.

It is obvious that the career of such a man affords ample scope for grouping around it notices of all the most remarkable men and events of the country, for the last seventy or eighty years. The author has done this with great tact and judgment, and combining history and biography, has done more than any recent writer of this class to win the honours due to him-qui miscuit utile dulci.

One of the strange characters introduced in these pages is a Mr. John Macnamara, an Irishman and a Catholic: "Habitually patronized by several members of the government, both in his professional capacity, and in that of gossip agent,' or

news correspondent. It is amusing to think that, from Lord Cloncurry's nephew, Chief Justice Clonmel, he enjoyed no less a salary than £400 per annum, for merely communicating to his lordship regularly and in detail, the progressive march of political events. By Lord Cloncurry he was paid for services of a similar nature, though not so voluminous, the sum of £100 a-year. Another branch of his profession was that of land agent, which he filled with much credit and emolument under Francis Duke of Bedford. Valentine Lawless, as the son of one of his respected patrons, received some attention from Mr. Macnamara. His residence, situated near Croydon, was a bonâ fide liberty-hall, where some of the best London society might daily be seen seated round an ample dinner table, regaling on the good things which no one could provide in better style or in more luxurious plenty than this salaried newsmonger.

"Hospitality,
No formality,
All reality,

There you would ever see.'

"We are assured by Lord Cloncurry in his Personal Recollections,' that it was no unusual event for the Prince of Wales to drop in uninvited to these re-unions, as well as men of the highest position in both Houses of Parliament. To think of an Irish

Roman Catholic, with the chains of slavery still clanking to his heels, entertaining in those penal days, not only the Royal Heir Apparent, but the Lords and Commons of Parliament, is a phenomenon that will not fail to amaze some readers."

We had proposed to insert an extract giving an account of the trial and assassination, by due process of law, of William Orr, in 1797, but our space forbids us.

In 1797, some of the most zealous and resolute of the parliamentary leaders of the Irish people adopted the resolution of ceasing to attend in their places in the legislature. This was an ill-advised imitation of the conduct of Fox and his party in England. The difference between the two cases was striking and patent. In England the dominant party in the legislature was English, and acting for English objects, and however wrong in details or means, yet its great goal was the welfare of fatherland. But in Ireland the dominant party was antinational, and seeking to sacrifice the interests and status of the country to those of another country; and the leaders of the Irish parliamentary forces were bound never to surrender, never to give up a post that could be retained, or in any way what

ever facilitate the subjugation of the people, with the protection of whose interests they were intrusted.

Mr. Fitzpatrick thus sketches their proceedings:

"On the 10th of May, 1797, took place that celebrated withdrawal or secession from the Commons of all the uncorrupted representatives of the people. Disgusted with the fœtid venality of Parliament, and jaded to exhaustion from the effects of a long series of energetic but ineffectual struggles against corruption and state influence, Henry Grattan, Philpot Curran, George Ponsonby, and others, at length consented to the discontinuance of their attendance at the Irish Senate. This they were mainly induced to do at the instance of a deputation, consisting of Lord Edward Fitzgerald, the Hon. Valentine Lawless, and Arthur O'ConDor, who gave it as their opinion, that any further. visit to the House was nothing but a mischievous mockery, a waste of precious time, and a source of derision to their enemies. A few evenings after, Grattan availed himself of a fitting opportunity to inform the House of Commons generally, of the determination that he and his colleagues had unanimously come to. We have offered you our measure,' said he 'you will reject it; we deprecate yours-you will persevere. Having no hopes left to persuade or dissuade, and baving discharged our duty, we will trouble you no more, and, after this day, shall not attend the House of Commons.' (17 Parl. Deb. p. 570.) Such was the peroration of Grattan's memorable speech on Mr. W. Ponsonby's motion for parliamentary reform-a measure which that gentleman and his colleagues considered the only effectual means of ensuring the restoration of peace and confidence among the people.

"This was the last effort of the popular members to bring forward the golden measure of Reform. An overwhelming and clamorous majority defeated them, and that great question, which whilom received the cordial support of Blackstone, the eloquent approval of Chatham, the helping hand of Flood, and the countenance of Saville, found itself rejected by the House of Commons with a degree of contempt that nothing but a popular motion could succeed in evoking. Upon the dissolution of Parliament a short time subsequent to this event, we find the somewhat questionable policy referred to above still animating the minds of the national party. Amongst those who declined offering themselves as candidates at the new election, were Lord Edward Fitzgerald and Mr. Henry, of Straffan. Singular to say, the addresses of both, on bowing their retirement from the representation of Kildare, were written by Mr. Lawless, who, since the publication of his Anti-Union pamphlet, enjoyed the reputation, amongst his friends, of possessing much fluency in literary composition. Fitzgerald, although a man of vast depth of comprehension, had but an indifferent command of his pen.

VOL. XXXVIII.-NO. LXXVI.

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