to him that the earth had been smitten with a curse, or that the course of nature had come to an end. "All nature dies,-But, lives again." We give an answer, different from that which the hymn suggests. We say, Yes; the ashes of the urn shall be revived. "If a man die, shall he live again?" We answer, Yes; he shall live again. "All the days of his appointed time he shall wait (in the grave) till his change come." And it shall come; a change-in the case of the redeemed of God-from mortality to immortality, from corruption to incorruption, from weakness to power, from dishonour to glory! Not more certainly shall the desolations of the winter be followed by the blossoms and verdure of the spring, than the darkness and dishonour of the grave shall be followed by the bloom and vigour of the resurrection. How great our obligations to Him, who is "the Resurrection and the Life"! How great the folly and infatuation of those who, in their desire to possess themselves of "the pleasures of sin for a season," forego the hopes of a blessed immortality, and a glorious resurrection! And how wise for themselves, all they who willingly renounce whatever would hinder their full enjoyment of the glory to be revealed! "Ye noble few! who here unbending stand, J. B. AMERICA AND BRITAIN THE BULWARK AGAINST ABSOLUTISM AND POPERY. Europe is this day divided into two camps: on one side, that of the despots-the Czar, the Austrian Emperor, and all the sovereigns who follow in their track; on the other side, the camp of the oppressed peoples who aspire to independence-Hungary, Italy, Germany, to which it is necessary to join France, who was the first to enter the arena. Between these two camps are found the two great neutral powers, the United States and England, which I wish to induce to unite in order that they may counterbalance the Russian influence, and prevent the Czar from interfering in our national struggles."-Kossuth. THE sentences above quoted occur in an address issued in December last by the Ex-Governor of Hungary, to the people of the United States of America, with whom he was then, as he is still, the admired of all admirers. Events of which he could not have received intelligence when he penned these pregnant words, will possibly lead Kossuth to modify in some degree his hopeful estimate of the position occupied by France in relation to the coming struggle. But as to the general aspect and bearing of European politics at the present day, the most recent changes in France will serve to confirm the opinion announced by the illustrious Magyar. The last great European struggle, whatever it might be in its origin, became in its progress a matter of mere personal and family ambition, or national pride and aggrandisement; the contending parties changing sides frequently, in regard to any thing like comprehensive principle involved; and each becoming in its turn, just as the case might happen, the upholder or the destroyer of freedom. At the close of that contest, a sagacious statesman foretold that "the next war in Europe would be a war of principle.” That this is the character of the contest for which the great continental powers are now mustering, is becoming every day more clear. With the despots of Russia and Austria, and the minor tyrants of Naples and the Papal States, the question of legitimacy is held for nothing in dealing with the claims or pretensions of a government seeking their alliance. The only matter that concerns them is, will the man who aspires to their friendship play the tyrant like themselves? And satisfied on this point, any adventurer who may chance to succeed in catching a nation asleep, and surprising it into a temporary submission to his authority, is welcome to associate with the proud sovereigns of the most ancient dynasties of Europe. We read in the news from Paris the following statement, and though the mendacious character of the fettered press from which it is derived forbids implicit credence, whether affirming or denying it, the statement, true or false, is highly significant :-"The Russian minister in Paris has presented to M. de Turgot, the minister for foreign affairs, an autograph letter addressed by the Czar to Prince Louis Napoleon. In this letter, the Emperor of Russia congratulates the President of the Republic on having saved the cause of civilisation by the grand act of 2d December." The butcher-king of Naples was so overcome with joy, on hearing of the President's fortunate knavery, that he could not refrain from embracing the officer who brought the news, and gave him immediate promotion in his service. The Pope and Cardinals go a step further, and hail the cause of the perfidious trickster as "the cause of God and the Virgin!" If Russia were isolated from the rest of the world, its rulers might sit down in peace to enjoy the triumph they have gained. There the battle of tyranny has been fought and won, and a standing army of 1,200,000 men, keeping guard over 42,000,000 abject and benighted serfs, might be taken as a guarantee that the tide is not likely soon to turn in favour of liberty. But Russia is surrounded by the subjects of other governments, and in proportion to the wide limits to which its successive tyrants have pushed their conquests, it is the more exposed to the influence of liberal principles from without. For his own security, therefore, the Czar seeks to induce other governments to join him in crushing the spirit of liberty, and, as betrayed and bleeding Hungary is a witness, stands ready at their beck to pour in his troops to help them in such work. The alliance between Austria and Russia in the maintenance of despotism, is now matter of history; and that the king of Prussia, through the combined influence of jesuitical and conjugal persuasion, is a party to the conspiracy, there is too clear evidence for believing. From the conduct of the French government in the recent affairs of Rome, as well as from numerous circumstances connected with the late coup d'étât at Paris, it is plain that the highest ambition of the traitor who for the time holds the reins in France, is that he may be admitted an associate with the absolute monarchs in putting down everything that might threaten to disturb their despotic reign. For a time it seemed as if the absolutist party were to find their most troublesome Marplot in his Holiness of Rome. This, however, did not long continue. The Jesuits soon contrived to withdraw the Pope from the liberal influences under which his pontificate commenced; and now, if Russia and Austria supply the foundations, the popedom is the key-stone of the arch by which the despotic governments of Europe hope to unite their forces against human liberty. But the designers of the structure, and they who supply the cement connecting the whole, are the Jesuits. Emperors, Kings, Presidents, the Pope himself, are but the servants, hired by substantial benefits received in return, of a far-spread combination of priests, of which the General of the Jesuit order is the centre and controller. This combination does not include all Romish priests, nor, even, do they who are its members become cognisant of all its secrets; but astute and able men, its leaders, having absolute power over the rest, and commanding the services of their associates, who are the priestly depositaries of all secrets, and are absolute lords of conscience, with all who acknowledge them in every country, possess an influence against which no extensive government scheme could possibly succeed in any Roman Catholic country. It is rumoured that Russia itself is soon to be brought under the direct control of the Jesuit party, by renouncing the faith of the Greek church and becoming Roman Catholic. That the Czar has learned ere this time that the Jesuits can be serviceable to him as the defenders of irresponsible monarchy in Europe, and that in the negociations into which they have recently been admitted with the court of St Petersburgh, they have proposed a change of the national faith, as the price they would like to be paid them for their services, we make no manner of doubt. And as little could we hesitate to believe, that if the Emperor deemed it quite safe to entrust to the Jesuit order the direction of his people's conscience, rather than retain it for himself as hitherto, he would not have much scruple to make over his fifty millions of subjects to the see of Rome. But even without the formal surrender of Russia to the Pope, the cordiality which has begun to obtain between the head of Catholicism and one whom, on his own principles, he must hold to be the greatest heresiarch on the face of the earth, is portentous of danger alike to religious and to civil freedom, throughout every nation in the world. What country on the Continent of Europe will serve as a breakwater against the swelling tide of Jesuitism and Absolutism? Switzerland and Piedmont have hitherto, from their peculiar position in relation to France, been able to maintain a large measure of freedom, both as to government and religion; but now that France on the one side, and the allied despots on the other, are in conspiracy against them, how much longer shall Switzerland and Piedmont furnish an asylum for the free? "Already," says the London Examiner, "the German papers in the pay of Austria (and it is extraordinary how numerous they have become), not only insist on the necessity of expelling political refugees from Switzerland, but confidently assert that M. Bonaparte has consented to act the part of executioner against these same Swiss who, not long ago, risked everything to save himself, when a fugitive from the just vengeance of Louis Phillippe. Yet more openly is Piedmont threatened. One of the most trusted organs of the Austrian ministry contains an angry article against the constitutional freedom of that country, and more than hints at the necessity of an immediate change. * Such an enterprize can be undertaken only with the direct consent and instrumentality of the present ruler of France." The writer from whom these words are quoted, observes in continuation, "Whether England is, in such a case, to remain a quiet spectator, and see the last remains of liberty extinguished abroad, will then have to be considered." A graver question, as affecting the destinies of the world, for the next half century, could hardly, we think, be propounded. And will Britain interfere? If the voice of the people were to determine the movements of our cabinet in this matter, we could have no doubt what side would be taken, and taken at once, by Great Britain; but in high places amongst us, so many influences, Jesuitical, Puseyite, and matrimonial* are at work in favour of Popery as might hinder, for a time at least, the decided and efficient opposition which the case demands. Ireland, so long the chief difficulty with British rulers, would be pointed at, by the Pope's sympathisers, as a foot out of joint, that must cripple any vigorous effort to resist the Pope and his allies. And though we have no doubt that the anti-Jesuit and antiRussian spirit of Britain, if once fairly roused, would make light of the Irish bugbear, we are not quite sure that this appeal to their caution, founded on the state of Ireland, would not restrain our ministers much longer than it ought to do from acting on a Protestant and liberal policy, and speedily breaking with Rome, Russia, and Company. With freedom and truth trampled down throughout the Continent, and division in the Protestant camp of Britain, the eyes of many amongst us are now directed to the United States of America, as, under God, the shield of christian liberty in the coming struggle. The Americans themselves seem to be fully alive to their position in relation to the state of parties in Europe, and are likely to enter upon the part which Providence would appear to have assigned them, with a degree of fervour and eagerness which the cooler spirit of Great Britain may be needed to temper and restrain. An American statesman, we observe, has given notice of a series of resolutions in the House of Representatives, proposing to confer with the British authorities, with the view of taking common ground with the United States in checking the encroaching spirit of Russia, and the other despotic governments of Europe. The presence of the expatriated Kossuth among our American <brethren we recognise as a means in Providence to prepare that people for their share of duty in the approaching crisis; and the enthusiastic fervour with which the Magyar patriot is received by christian ministers, and others taking the lead in religious society in the States, we receive as evidence that the Christians of that great Republic see the religious bearings of the question, and regard the interests of civil liberty and the cause of the Gospel as bound inseparably together waiting the result. Like ourselves, the Americans will have to encounter some impediments in any government operations they may pursue against a scheme with which Rome is identified. If we have our absolutist sympathisers, and our Irish difficulty, they have their three millions of Romanists and their three millions of slaves-neither party affording a very comfortable prospect for the American commonwealth in the view of the coming struggle. From all accounts, however, the Popery of the United States has far less sympathy with despotic rule, and, in proportion to the number of its adherents, has far less power for despotic purposes, than Popery has in most other parts of the world. The slavery of America, as its most vulnerable point, we take to be that which would excite most apprehension in case of a world-wide conflict in the cause of liberty. Yet we have some hope that if the tender-handed Christians, who have so long allowed the "accursed thing" to remain in their camp in times of peace, and without whose forbearance or connivance it would not have remained even in *The wife of our new foreign secretary is said to be a Romanist: of course, she will have a father confessor. such times, will unite to cast it forth when the necessities of the church are demanding that Christians of all countries and all colours stand forth in opposition to the combined enemies of gospel truth. Meanwhile, it is much to be desired that the friends of religious freedom and spiritual enlightenment in Britain and America, should have a common understanding in regard to their common adversary, and should bear up one another in the prayer and other christian efforts which are needed to meet and frustrate the most comprehensive confederacy ever formed, and, as we would fain believe, the most extensive ever likely to be formed, against the cause they have at heart. B. R. THE CHURCH AND THE WORLD. Ir is alarming to look at the energy that surrounds us. You see it in the men who pass you on the streets. You see it in the shop, the warehouse, the station, and if you step into the domain of literature or science, you find that the temple of fame is not sought by here and there a solitary sage wending his way in philosophic calm along the ascending road, but by an eager and excited throng, who press, and strain, and struggle, and too often, alas! fall short of the goal. Whence this feverish excitement, this fatal turmoil? It is the war of matter with mind-the victory of mind. Mere mechanical employments will now support but a few; and he who cannot bring intelligence to bear upon his labours, will fall behind in the race. Already the insensible agents of mind have supplanted the labours of man in nearly every employment; and men are set to devise new means of life, and to anticipate and provide for all the artificial wants and nice necessities of a luxurious age. A luxurious age! Do men, then, find time for pleasure in the struggle for power or for independence? Yes. Men still find time for pleasure. Is it not fair that they who toil so hard should requite themselves with enjoyment? Is it not necessary that the strain of business should be followed by the relaxation of mirth? Such are the principles of the present time. Men spend their days in the fiercest competition of business, and indemnify themselves for the exertion by seeking pleasure with no less eagerness. More or less, this holds true of all; rich or poor, Christians or worldlings, all are driven into the habit of constant activity and energy. And how fares religion meanwhile? Does it advance with the age? Is its influence more widely diffused? Are its requirements more openly complied with? Is its benevolence more largely developed? In short, do men carry into the management of church affairs, the energy they display elsewhere? There is a torpor in the religious world. Secular activity has not promoted spiritual activity, but the reverse. There is a tendency to rest satisfied with unblameable conduct, and a reputable liberality, while no personal services are rendered to religion, and little interest taken in her success. Much has undoubtedly been done; but not what might have been done. Many are active and useful; more should be. Bible and missionary societies have grown in influence and enterprise, but how inadequate are their efforts to the necessities of the race!-how paltry, as compared with the secular exertions of the men who compose them! Let these laymen be drawn more closely into the counsels and business of the church. Let work be found not for a few, but for all; and the church, no longer chilled and retarded by their selfish |