aries of officials should be partially reduced. The stiff, formal gentlemen in the colonial office at home have taken offence at the "insolence" of mere planters, who dare to have an opinion of their own; and they consider their own honor committed to obtain the long salaries for their friends. The

operate so largely and so well as to get into the Gazette by energy and ingenuity. If he neglect to sell well, his purchases will only hasten ruin. A nation may commit a similar error, which will be attended by precisely similar results. A colony, as the smaller and the weaker community, is certain to feel soon and severely the evil consequences legislatures of two of the most important amongst of any selfish system of trade. Britain protected itself against its colonies from the selfish policy of the landowners. All the rest of the world were protected against our colonies, because they belonged to Britain. Thus they languished, while the tides of capital and emigration flowed rapidly from our shores into hostile lands.

the West India colonies stopped the supplies. They acted correctly, and in strict compliance with the spirit of the British constitution. This pecuniary quarrel is separate from the grand difficulty in which we are placed with all our West India colonies, between the desire to buy cheap on the one hand, and to be thought philanthropic on the other. The Cape colonists have strenuously resisted, and completely defeated, the attempt made to impose on them a consignment of crime, and an emigration of felons. They have decided that, if cheap labor should never be obtained amongst them, they shall at least have honest laborers in preference to scamps. The policy of Earl Grey in this matter was entirely at variance with a distinct bargain. The African colony was to be preserved pure and free from convict labor. On that assurance, many individuals emigrated there who entertained conscientious objections to the kind of society expelled from this country on account of their crimes. The recent effort, therefore, to change the character of the colony, was a direct breach of faith with the emigrants and set

even allege that they were expected to resist, adding that the scheme was devised to be opposed ; but they belong to that class of hard thinkers who sometimes mistake folly for crime, and therefore look with jealous and suspicious eyes upon the conduct of men high in the colonial office.

Truth will prevail, but it may prevail too late. All shall revere truth, but the worship may be offered when the temple is closed. A better policy towards the colonies was at last devised. Something like justice was offered to Canada. The offer was converted into a fact, and the reality existed for one or two years. Then came the famine; next the great apostasy of Peel and his party, as it has been termed, and as if Peel could commit political apostasy-a crime which would imply the possession of a political faith, at some period, stronger than the expediency of the day. The country party had wasted their energies in nothing, and they were swept beneath the political counter. They became an old pattern, despised, unfashionable, and valueless. When requested to regret their fall, we find the task extremely diffi-tlers, which they resisted-which some people cult. They do not appear to have owned large hearts at any time. The grovelling vulgarity of estimating all measures by their immediate profits was introduced by them. The democracy of Cromwell's time knew better, looked further, and grasped a wider range of thought than the Restoration, or any party that has risen on and after the The colonies of Port Philip and South AusRestoration. A hundred John Hampdens would tralia have decided to present an opposition to save and reëstablish the power of England; but convict settlements not less determined than that her yeomen are depressed into tenants-at-will.of the African Boors. All the Australian coloNew measures were adopted, by which the colonies have quarrels with Earl Grey and his people nies were placed on the dead level of Cuba or the at home. Dr. Lang has, after a three years' Brazils; while we found them governors, named sojourn in Great Britain, returned to New South their salaries, calculated the labor that they should Wales, breathing revolt, republicanism, and a have permission to buy, and refused them leave to president. He writes as if some strange thing make greater purchases than the colonial office and had happened to him because he encountered short our own philanthropy deemed right. Abhorrence civility from Earl Grey. The Rev. Dr. Lang's of the slave trade, and the love of cheap sugar, parting words are more bitter than his reception made our legislature inconsistent. The desire for from the people deserved. They at least have not a benevolent character, and the avarice for low mocked his schemes, scorned his zeal and wrought prices, made then unjust. mischief to his projects. He came here avowedly We are now to state summarily those changes for the noblest ends that could lead a patriot travwhich have apparently become essential to the ex- eller over the ocean. He came to show to vainly istence of our colonial empire. The eye ranging toiling thousands at home a way to independence; over it meets only one vast expanse of discontent, to our anti-slavery societies a means of throwing ripening into rebellion. The North American slave-grown cotton out of the market; to our provinces are dissatisfied, although the majority cotton-spinners a plan for increasing the supply of of their population still desire to maintain the raw material. He was heard. His letters were connection with this country. The West Indian read-his plans were partially adopted; they were Islands are in a state of legislative revolt against followed by considerable emigration; and Morethe government, on the shabby question of sala-ton Bay Colony promises soon to reach imporries. The planters have experienced a great tance, and to rise into an active, prosperous coundiminution of profits, and they expect that the sal-try in shorter time than even its senior colonies in

The reasons why we want to extend and preserve the colonies are in number five, which might be divided into numerous particulars, if that were advisable and time permitted.

Australia have required to effect that purpose. | protective ring in this living empire, within which Therefore, we think that Dr. Lang's references to the erysipelatous affection which they madly cherBenjamin Franklin were not requisite embellish-ish in the outer regions shall not enter? They ments in his farewell address to Earl Grey. He are still, we presume, prepared to protect the has not yet at least experienced the measure of brain and the heart; but of what value are the Benjamin Franklin's wrongs. The Australian centres of life if the limbs be chopped away? colonies have not quite the complaints to make that the New England States justly preferred without redress or sympathy in the maddened parent land. We may even take care here that they never shall have similar grievances, and never shall be publicly met with the same cool contempt when they come to state their wrongs. But Dr. Lang is a man, with an active spirit, who makes, we presume, a better hater than rightly becomes the ecclesiastical character. He has been coldly treated by the colonial office. He thought that they needed advice there, forgetting that Earl Grey must keep in his service a mesmeric familiar, who, with the gift of clairvoyance, gives him a better acquaintance with the wants, the wishes, and the woes of all the colonists than they can themselves profess. A man's greatest difficulty is to know himself; and the colonists, like other people, must experience it. But Earl Grey's familiar knows everybody, and so far as he is concerned the difficulty disappears. Dr. Lang has, however, commenced his voyage home in very bad humor with this country's representative, and unfortunately he will find many persons waiting him in a similar spirit. At Ceylon we had a rebellion lately, and a number of persons were executed after its suppression. In the Ionian Islands Mr. Ward has established a character for the prompt hanging up of the villains whom he catches. Our vast possessions in the East Indies are spending at the rate of one million more per annum than their revenue. We have not heard of disturbances at Heligoland, but they may be anticipated.

First; the empire should be maintained in its integrity, for the promotion of those moral and religious ends that its existence may subserve; for the maintenance of universal peace by the gradually coming maturity of a power sufficiently strong, and perfectly willing, to enforce it everywhere, and not a vast power cramped up in a corner of the earth, so as to exercise no influence out of its immediate vicinity; for the abolition of slavery by the force of its example, and the vast influence of its commerce; for the elevation of the aboriginal tribes and nations of different lands by the rising strength of its philanthropy; for the maintenance of their rights and liberties, as in the case of this Nicaraguan quarrel into which the United States threaten to throw themselves, for the creditable purpose of stealing a river mouth and a few miles of coast from an Indian chief. These are duties laid on us by our position-duties that we have to perform in the sight of God and man

duties that we cannot devolve on others by any act of our own, except on the principle that a chagrined man may retire out of the world into a hermitage or a monastery, when he feels that his merits have been neglected, or that his purposes have been crossed; except on the principle that a man somewhat wilder may say and believe of Cato that he reasoned well, and act accordingly. "But," say the decompositionists, "we seek not This internal discontent must be subdued, not the destruction of this empire-we agitate not for by armies and fleets, but by fraternization and jus- its abolition-we are willing that it should remain tice. A gulf exists between us and a large party forever, or for all time; only we must be allowed in this country by whom the colonies would be to follow our own courses, although they should sacrificed, while by us they would be maintained lead to its demolition." Just thus may the enemy and incorporated. This party is willing, very ap- have spoken by whom the tares were sown amongst parently desirous, to narrow our dominions within the wheat, even while engaged at, and if he had our central islands. Why they should restrain been seized in, the very act. He did not wish to their doctrine of decomposition at the English choke the wheat-he entertained no malice regardChannel, we cannot tell. Perhaps they are under ing its growth-he had no desire that it should no such restraint. The repeal of the union with not flourish to ripeness, and bring forth fruit; but Ireland might yield them more pleasure than pain; only he sought and seized permission to sow his and why should they stop there? Is there any own tares. The clear, logical powers manifested reason for refusing Scotland to the Scotch? Have in the composition of a little book, originating at the southern protective counties committed an un- Westminster, but taught nearly to all the children pardonable sin, that they should be forever chained of Scotland, have had a direct influence in formto the manufacturing districts of the north? Is ing the national character. The Assembly's the Heptarchy impossible? Is there a line of de- shorter catechism says that the sixth commandmarcation drawn where decomposition must stop? ment not merely requires us not to kill, but also Have these gentlemen noticed the stern treatment to use all lawful means for preserving and extendof erysipelas? Have they seen a patient's skin ing the lives of ourselves and others. Suptattooed like New Zealander's, to restrain the posing, therefore, that we hold ourselves bound, progress of this inflammation? Have they ob- for the reasons stated, not to lay violent hands on served that it is a painful process? And have they the existence of the empire, we are equally bound prepared and damped their lunar caustic to burn al not to be neutral, and equally constrained to use

our efforts for its preservation and extension. Ilic debts they had no concern; but the argument That is a strictly logical sequence of our passive will scarcely bear repeating, that whereas we duty not to destroy, which in its existence implies, allowed them to escape from their share, or their for it begets, the active duty to uphold. fathers were allowed to evade their share, of the Second; we maintain the empire as a means of general responsibility by emigration, therefore reaching an object very dear to us, but one at pres-they should also abstract those means by which ent gradually eluding our grasp—namely, the fair we might be enabled to lighten their and our and free commercial intercourse of nations on responsibilities, laid now solely upon our enerequal and on just terms. We never have yet gies. The doctrine that the waste land of coloknown the powers of our great colonial connection |nies is to be administered for the good of the colfor the expansion of trade. The peculiar value onies, is no better and no worse than another asserof our empire has never yet been grasped and tion, that they are entitled annually to a certain recognized by our keenest mercantile men. Other sum in exchequer bills, for no other reason than large empires, at different periods, have been that they are better off than their old neighbors at formed out of adjacent materials. The Roman home, in pecuniary affairs. Even this doctrine Empire, indeed, stretched over a great portion, and might have been tolerated in return for the advanthe best portion, of the world, as known at that tages to be found in free trade with any portion of time. But its objects and wants were so alien the world; but now that the colonists are allowed from those which we entertain, that no comparison to impose heavy taxes on our goods, that argucan be formed between them. Modern empires, ment also is ended. The waste or unimproved and except our own, are crushed into a corner of the unallocated lands of the colonists belong to this earth. The Russian Empire stretches over a vast country. Our national debt was directly incurred and a valuable tract of land in Europe and Asia, in obtaining and preserving those possessions. and a comparatively small and valueless tract in The colonists may be able to do now without our America; but it is all crushed together, neverthe- aid; and at one time they would have been unaless, and what seems at first sight an element of ble. Their farms might have been cultivated, and conciseness and power, is a germ far more assur- their towns might have been built and inhabited; edly of weakness and disunion. The United but not by or for them and theirs, without our aid, States of America comprise many different climates and without our expenditure in men and in money. in one large portion of a great continent; but the They cannot replace the men; but neither can diversity is limited when compared with this em- they honestly seek to confiscate our security for pire. Our British union embraces specimens of the money towards their own private purposes. every soil and climate. It furnishes all the arti- This land becomes more valuable as the colonies cles that commerce knows. It may, by the com- advance; and even yet, if put under good manbination of the capital, labor, and skill that we agement, a balance remains of great importance have in abundance, supply all that we can possibly and value. We may barter this claim for liberty require. Thus we have the nucleus of perfectly to trade, but we cannot be justly asked to barter i free trade the lever that will move the world to for nothing. The property of our people at home adopt our principles, whenever we apply it; and has been cruelly absorbed in many ways, but in will secure, in the mean time, those advantages none more imprudently than in the grants and gifts and blessings for the attainment of which we have and jobbing of the colonial office. entered on this struggle. Therefore we would maintain the colonial connection, as the means of attaining universal freedom of trade; and, in the mean time, as the realization of free trade on a very large scale, on a larger scale than the world has ever yet known.

It must be

Fourth; we would maintain the colonial connection for the good of the colonists. a mutual good, or soon be destroyed. Its capabilities, in this respect, are not even yet discovered. British capitalists want a safe investment for capital, and a safe investment is the thing which the The third reason is a matter of justice to the colonists want above all others to bring into the people of this country. The land of the colonies market. The colonists want to be freed from the not yet conceded belongs to them. It may be expense of maintaining large armaments, and their called by any name, but it is theirs. For if they connection with the British flag renders that unor their fathers incurred debts, which they or their necessary. They require economy; and the finansons must pay, this land will undoubtedly become cial associations will aid, we hope, in obtaining valuable, and stand them as some security or sat-the boon. They require an invariably open marisfaction for the immense debt which they must by some means meet and discharge. The colonists, we know, are in the habit of regarding their claim to the waste lands of the respective colonies good; while nothing, we believe, can be considered worse upon a fair inquiry. These colonists originally received conveyances of their own land at a cheap rate, or for nothing. The gift was a poor reason for claiming gratuitously other portions that they did not get. They may pretend that with our pub

They

ket for the produce of their soil, and their industry;
and we offer them the largest in the world.
are not yet, and they will not be in many ages,
worse of the connection, in all their intellectual,
moral, and religious pursuits, which, judging
from the States, are apt to become gross and mate-
rial in new countries. To them the indirect benefits
of this connection are greater than can be readily
stated, and they desire its maintenance on fair terms.

The fifth exists in that not so easily definable

The colonists must feel that the connection is good for them; and we must recognize it as good for us, before its permanence can be secured. All the legislative barriers that intervene between us must be thrown down. Natural barriers are sufficiently obstructive, without the aid of those of art. No other tax must be allowed to exist on the trade between Nova Scotia and Ireland, or Jamaica, or Australia, than exists in the trade between Hampshire and Kent, or Sussex, or Somersetshire.

reason which practical men refuse to reckon; but which he exists, by whose laws he is governed, which, nevertheless, has been at the heart of by whose power he dwells safely, and in whose more great deeds than any other principle; a rea- counsels, directly or indirectly, he exercises an son that pervades all others, that may be esteemed influence. a prejudice, that has been termed patriotism, and that, in its numerous associations, has formed a strong link between the colonists and the home country. Cosmopolitanism necessarily despises this feeling. It professes antagonism to all narrow views of this nature. It rises superior to localities and to attachments, by promising to enfold the world in the four corners of its ample mantle. It is good for strong minds, for great, wide projecting souls, for spirits that penetrate over all sublunary space, into all earthly crannies and creeks, and look out as clearly on 2050 as on 1849. These minds are rare, but haplessly they deem themselves common currency, and quite plentiful. They are to be met seldom, and yet when they are met, we find them ever assuming the vulgar attribute of being numerous. Their case is a phenomenon, for they repudiate their own greatness, which consists, like the preciousness of diamonds, in their rarity. Like diamonds, also, they are clear, cold, hard, impenetrable. Their love is abstract and stern, like the beanties of an iceberg; but, unlike icebergs, they never melt and thaw. By virtue of their vast theoretical expansion, they esteem themselves free from the minor duties, those scavengerings or sweepings of love and kindness that fall within the compass of ordinary powers. Nero wanted to have one neck for all the Romans, that he might hang them on one beam, or decapitate them by one stroke. Our strong minds" want one general receptacle for humanity, on which they may administer their love by one operation, to save time. Nero omitted to act out his principle. He did not wait for one common neck to Rome; but he went on decapi

All advantages open to the people of the three kingdoms must be made equally attainable by those of Port Natal, of Barbadoes, or of Moreton Bay. In some professions obstacles come between an Irishman or a Scotchman and employment in England. One bishop lately assumed as a rule that education in Dublin university was not to be considered equivalent to education at Oxford or Cambridge. Medical instruction at Edinburgh, the best medical school of the three kingdoms, is not, we believe, deemed sufficient to secure the concession of a license for English practice. Education in any place should avail nothing; knowledge is the thing sought, and if it be attained at the falls of Niagara or on the banks of the Ganges, its possession should secure all the purposes that can be served by the certificate, that a man spent so many years in a position where it might have been secured. All monopolies are bad, but none are more insolently bad, or more eagerly maintained, than a monopoly of learning. If commerce should be free, assuredly knowledge should not be fettered.

The little hostile tariffs, built up like walls tating them singly as they stood. Cosmopolitans between different colonies, should be entirely should imitate Nero, and go forward by steps to abolished. The multitude of separate governorthe grand consummation of which now they dream. ships should be reduced. If one man may be The example is that of one who wrought well governor-general of India, another may take all the where they would do good; but it is practical con- North American provinces. The means of comduct applied to a different course. This fifth rea- munication should be zealously improved. Why, son for seeking the maintenance of the colonial | for example, should the Halifax and Quebec railempire is but "love of country," and, however it way require years to arrange, or the East India may be explained, the nature cannot be criminal | Company higgle for an equal period on their railwhich has in other times and circumstances led to the purest results.

The next inquiry is, What must be done: how must we act in order to attain this object? The ties that bind together all these distant communities hang loosely, and they need to be tightened. Loyalty is described as the pervading motive, the life and soul, of this empire. The golden link of the crown, said Mr. O'Connell, will connect us still. Few men knew better than Mr. O'Connell that loyalty is the result of two operations. The duty depends on something to be done. It is a principle called forth solely by a sense of benefits received, either personally or collectively. It is the attachment felt for the cause of order in society, the homage rendered by man to that society in

ways, when the mere economy in the military department, by their use, would equal their entire cost in seven years? The negotiations of a colony with foreign powers should be strengthened by the weight of the whole empire. The Canadas stand alone in treating for a reciprocal treaty with the United States. Afford them the influence of the empire, and this treaty will be signed and ratified in 1850. But we have theories that must not be touched, and to preserve them would sacrifice the facts that they represent-give the substance for the shadow. It is laudable in the Canadas to ask reciprocity from the states; it would be mean, pitiful, reäctionary, and retrogressive in us, to present the same request. To those who use this language we give a warning in the form of a ques