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nation, was occasioned by no alteration in his sentiinents or principles, no relaxation of his promptitude or vigour, no impeachment of his conduct, his judgment or his virtue ; nor was it to be ascribed to the usual versatility of mankind, particularly the natives of Great Britain, whose ruling passion is novelty ; but it is to be attributed entirely, and exclufively, to the inquence of corruption, to the avarice and vanity of such men as are always eager to pay homage to the distribution of rewards; whoever he may be, of whatever nation, or of whatever complexion.'

• Mr. Pitt's first care after his resignation, was the diminution of his household. Amongit his other retrenchments were his coach horses, which were sold by public advertisement in his own name. His enemies ftigmatized this circumstance with the appel lations of parade and oftentation ; – his friends denominated the whole meafure prudence and economy. Certain it is, that he had not, like many of his predecessors, amassed a fortune in his lace fituation. He retired from office an indigent man, with lit. tle more than his annuity for his support. From all his places he acquired no possessions. The legacy of ten thousand pounds, left him by the duchess of Marlborough, had amply supplied his pecuniary wants ; released him from all dependence on his family and friends, and while it emancipated him from the terrors of obligation, it inspired him with that spirit of independence, which may be said to have first kindled that blaze, which adorned the remainder of his life. During his stay in office he had no leveeshe dedicated his whole time to the duties of his station. When he religned, many of the principal cities and corporations in the kingdom, presented bim with addresses of thank for his great and important services; and at the same time lainented the cause of his departure from government.'

In the account beforę us, the court of Sardinia is said to have sold the peace, founded on the affertion of Mr. Pitt, in his speech in 1770, that this country had been twice fold by the house of Savoy : alluding in the firit instance to the peace of Aix la Chapelle, If, as is aflerted, the court of Turin was requested to guarantee the pacific intentions of England, and implored to become an umpire in the treaty, the abject humiliating conduct cannot be too severely reproþated. For the following particulars no authority is mentioned: they must be received, therefore, with caution.

• The duke of Bedford set out for Paris on the fifth of September 1762, with full powers to treat ; and on the 12th of the same month, the duc de Nivernois arrived in England. A few hours after the duke of Bedford arrived at Calais, he received dispatches from London, by a messenger who was sent after him, containing fome limitations in his full powers. He immediately fent the mes. senger back with a letter, infifting upon his former inftructions being restored, and in case of a refusal, declaring his resolution to seturn to England. The cabinet acceded to his grace's demand. But the most essential articles of the treaty were agreed upon be. tween M. de Choiseul and the Sardinian minister at Paris, and lord Bute and the Sardinian minister at London, without any other trouble to the duke of Bedford than giving his formal assent. The manævure in making the king of Sardinia umpire, gave to his ambassadors the power of decision; consequently the duke of Bedford had very little room for the exercise of his powers ; until a circumftance happened, which occafioned a divifion in the Britih cabinet. This was the capture of the Havannah. The news of this event arrived in England on the 29th of September. The negotiation was nearly concluded. In a few days the preliminaries would have been signed.


• Lord Bute expressed his fears, that this acquisition would embarrass and postpone the accomplishment of peace, if the negotiation, which was on the point of being finished, should on that account be opened again; and therefore he declared his wish to be, to conclude the peace in the same manner, and on the same terms, which had been agreed upon before the news of this event arrived ; without any other mention of it, than the name of it among the places to be restored.

· Mr. Grenville opposed this idea. He declared his opinion to be, that if the Havannah was restored, there ought to be an equivalent given for it. And in their deliberations upon this subject, it is certain, that he infifted upon this alternative either the entire property of Jucatan and Florida, or the islands of St. Lucia and Porto Rico.

• Lord Bute adhered to his first opinion. Upon which Mr. Grenville resigned his place of secretary of state on the 12th day of October. Lord Halifax immediately succeeded to his office; and Mr. Grenville went to the admiralty, by which he was removed from the cabinet,

• Lord Egremont, however, represented to lord Bute, in very Itrong terms, the necessity of an equivalent for the Havannah. Either his lord ship's arguments, or lord Bute's fears, so far prevailed, as to occasion an instruction to be sent to the duke of Bedford, to ask for Florida. The duke had been informed of the whole dispute in the British cabinet, by Mr. Grenville, and being entirely of Mr. Grenville's opinion, he added, Porto Rico to his demand. But lord Bute and the Sardinian minifter in London, settled it for Florida only. At Paris some difficulties arole. The cellion of Florida was made without the least hefita. tion, the French minister in&antly agreed to it; which shews the fuperior influence of the French cabinet in this negotiation. But with relpect to Porto Rico, the French minifter resorted to chicane and delay. It was at length agreed, to send a messenger to Ma. drid, with this demand. Fourteen days were allowed for the messenger to go and return. During this period the dake of Bedford received pofitive orders to sign the preliminaries. Two days after the preliminaries were ligned, the messenger returned; and it was said, that Spain purchased the retention of the island. Whether the Sardinian minister at London, or at Paris, or both, were entrusted on this occasion; or whether any other persons were : admitted to the same confidence, are questions for the investigation of poiterity.'

Notwithstanding the efforts of the North Briton, our author supposes that the resignation of lord Bute was effected by the union of Mr. Grenville with the duke of Bedford, and the menaces held out to him respecting the negotiations for peace, The resignation of the duke of Devonshire and of the duke of Newcastle were attended with circumstances of popular disguft. The account given in these volumes we shall not tranicribe, for we have been detained too long from the principal subject.

When the preliminaries of peace were laid before parliament, Mr. Pitt, then in an ill state of health, opposed them with great vigour. They were approved of, however, by a very large majority, a majority, as our author afferts a little too confidently, procured by bribes, unusually liberal both in the value and extent. It is certain that the expences of the war, the load of taxes till then unprecedented, had alarmed the nation, and an unmanly dread of future evils had suce ceeded the rejoicings for numerous and unexampled victories, Besides, if it is a maxim in the English constitution that the king can do no wrong, the idea is still more forcible when spoken of a young king, with the most interesting popular qualities.

The projected excise on cyder, and some other disagreeable attempts of the new ministry, rendered them unpopular, and occafioned some conferences in 1763 between Mr. Pitt and lord Bute. They produced, however, no beneficial consequence, owing, as our author very plainly insinuates, to lecret influence. The numerous changes in administration, and their conduct respecting Mr. Wilkes, whose cause Mr. Pitt adopted, are well known. The following remarks occur in the account of the Rockingham administration in 1766: it relates to Dunkirk,

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• This point of frequent and anxious difcuffion, seems to have been mistaken by the British ministers, prior and subsequent to lord Rockingham. From the peace of Utrecht, in the year 1713, to the month of September 1765, all our demands concerning the demolition of Dunkirk, have originated in a wrong principle. We have infifted upon levelling the ramparts, upon filling up the cunette, &c. These were immaterial points, to which the French court consented, after some affected hesitation. The fortifications on the land side are of no consequence to England. It was the harbour alone that ought to have engaged our attention. Lord Rockingham saw this mistake; in his adminiftration only, was the demolition of the harbour seriously attempted : and had he, semained a little lor.ger in office, it must have been accomplithed.. His demands were directed to the jetrees, which protect the channel to the harbour, and without which, the harbour becomes totally unferviceable. These jetrees are two piers, which project about three quarters of a mile from the harbour into the sea ; and are about twelve feet high, from low-water inark : between them is the channel into the harbour. His lord fhip ordered a breach to be made in the eastern jettee, near the middle, fufficient to ad. mit the sea. All Dunkirk was instantly filled with alarn. They faw the ruin of the harbour was inevitable. A few vides made the fact clear. The sand was driven through the breach with fuch. aftonishing velocity, it was fully manifest, the char.nel must be entirely choaked in a few days more. Had this bicach been made larger, which was intended ; and another made lower down, 10wards the fea, which was also intended ; the harbour must have been fo effetually rendered useless, that nothing larger than a sow-boat, or a pilot, could have got into it. · The French immediately saw the effect of this small breach, and instantly put a itop to the progress of the workmen. The reader is to observe, that in all our fipulations our court has made with France, respecting Dunkirk, a kind of childish delusion has constantly been admitted-this was the French were to employ their own people to execute our demands, and we were to send our surveyors to examine and report the state of their operation. Our surveyors had no controul over the workmen : and if the French governor at any time, chose to put a stop to their labour, we could not oblige them to resume their work. The surveyors might seturn to England, and upon their report, the British ambassador at Paris was usually instructed to remonstrate ; which commonly produced an evasive answer. The surveyors have been sent back, and the fame farce has been played over again. In this manner have the negotiations concerning Dunkirk, been continued, dropped, and revived from the year 1713. As a proof, that lord Rockingham was right in this matter, we need only observe, the conduct of the


French, in this particular, since the treaty of 1782, by which we surrendered all claim and concern whatever respecting Dunkirk, Initead of rep.:iring the fortifications, on the demolition of which, we formerly so frenuously inSited, or opening the cunette, or paying any regard whatever to the land side, their whole atrention has been directed to widening, deeping, and enlarging the hartour. They have made it capacious, safe, and convenient. Thole who think Dunkirk a place of no danger to the comnierce of Lone don, may find their miitake in a future day'

During this administration Mr. Wilkes returned from France to London. We only mention it to remark, that the account of his negotiation with the min piry is taken, it is said, from Mi. H. Core's manufcript. In this account it is observed, that Mr. Rofe Fuller, who was violent in his oppofition to various administrations, was found, on his death, to have received a penSion from the court for many years.

The next and last step of importance, in lord Chatham's public life, related to the American ftamp-act; the various negociations for changes in adminiftration would detain us too long, and are too disgusting to induce us to enlarge on them. The debates on the Middlesex election are not equally unimportant; but the queftion is in no material respect clucidated by our author. We may itop to notice, however, our autror's remarks on the suppoted generofity of queen Anne, who granted 109,00ol. per aunum from the civil litt, towards the expences of the war.

• In filt, this pretended genero-iry was cne of the most scandilous aliions that the crown eves committed byany adminillration. It was a manifest and gross cheat upon the public, who were excravagant bufers by it; for some tiine after, viz. upon the 25th of June 1713, the queen acquainted the house of commons, hy message, that the bad contacted a very large debt upon her civil litt revenue, which the was unable to pay, and therefore defired to make them good; and such was the complaisance of a tory parliament, that notwith/tanding the detellution which mutt have ariien in every honet! brea:t, upon the deiection of this clumley juggle, and though Mr. Smith, one of the tellers of the exche. quer, honely informed the house, that the estimate of this debt was altonishing to him, being made to amount to Augu{t 1710, to 400,000l. Whereas, he was able to affiim from his own knowledge, that it amounted at that cime to little more than 100,000l. and though many others undertook to prove, that the funds given for 700,000l, bad, in reality, amounted to 300,000l. ; and though thele gentlemen had prevailed so far as to procure an address to the crown for an account of the ciril !i2 dcbi at Miuluinner 1717,


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